CHAPTER ONE:
The First Hundred years at Valley Forge
In the summer of 1828, John Fanning Watson took his
horse and gig over the Schuylkill River at a place called the Swedes'
Ford and set off to visit Valley Forge, where little more than fifty
years earlier George Washington's army had spent the winter of
17771778. Watson was then working in a bank in Germantown, but he
was also a dedicated antiquarian in the process of preparing his
multivolume Annals of Philadelphia, the collection of anecdotes
and oral history for which he is today remembered. Like more and more
Americans in the 1820s, he had enough time and disposable income to
become a tourist, seeking adventure and amusement in parts unknown.
Planning a story for a Germantown newspaper, he neatly recorded his
impressions in a small notebook, creating one of the earliest tourist
accounts of Valley Forge. He wrote admiringly of "Hill & Dale &
wood & meadow & cultivated field" and the general beauty of the
rich eastern Pennsylvania countryside. [1]
Upon reaching his historic destination, Watson
searched for physical remains of the presence of the Continental Army.
The hills of Valley Forge he found "all in a wild wooden state." [2] Near Valley Creek, which flows between two
steep hills called Mount Joy and Mount Misery, he discovered modern
factories, but in one wooded area near the road he did locate what he
described as a "relic," the ruin of what had obviously been a defensive
redoubt. [3] He also visited the small house
where Washington had established his headquarters and where he was
certain that the compassionate general had anxiously "felt for the
sufferings of his ill clad followers." [4]
What Watson failed to find was evidence of attempts
to preserve or glorify the physical Valley Forge. From the time of the
Revolution until Watson's own day, Americans had taken surprisingly
little interest in their own history, possibly because the Revolution
that created the nation was perceived as a deliberate break with the
past. History had not been stressed in the schools of the early republic
and even Watson's Annals, so fascinating to historians today,
received little attention from his contemporaries. Nor had Americans
been preserving their historic places; Ben Franklin's house had been
destroyed in 1812, and George Washington's presidential mansion in
Philadelphia would meet a similar fate in 1832. [5]
The historic incident of the winter encampment at
Valley Forge would be rediscovered in the Romantic Era of the
mid-nineteenth century when the dreary tale of thousands of soldiers
suffering and surviving the winter in a military encampment would be
transformed into an inspiring legend in which virtue had triumphed after
sacrifices had been made. The Valley Forge story would capture the
popular imagination, bringing many more tourists to Valley Forge and
eventually creating a need to preserve the remains of the encampment.
Watson's travel account gives an early glimpse of the way in which
nineteenth-century Americans would come to think about Valley Forge.
"What emotions press upon the reflecting
mind!" Watson wrote. On those hills, were miserably hutted the
forlorn hope of the country in its day of most gloomy peril." [6] He continued, "Poor sufferers! their clothing
was scanty, their blankets rags, & their feet always without
stockings and almost shoeless!" [7] In
Watson's imagination, patriots standing guard duty on cold winter nights
wistfully conjured up hearth and home and patriotically contemplated the
wrongs that their beloved country had endured. [8]
Watson also commented on the obvious prosperity of
the area in his own day, and had he arrived the summer before Washington
he might have made the same observation. In 1777, Valley Forge had been
checkered with small, enclosed fields. About two-thirds of the area's
land had been under cultivation for general farming. Farmers also raised
horses, cattle, swine, and sheep. Oak, chestnut, and hickory trees
growing on the steeper hills were a source of fuel and charcoal. [9] Swiftly flowing Valley Creek had provided
power for local industry. A thriving industrial community had grown up
where the creek flowed into the Schuylkill River. The wealthy Potts
family had long been operating the forges from which the area took its
name. There had also been sawmills, charcoal houses, a gristmill, a
blacksmith, a cooper, and a company store. Dams channeled water into
millraces that turned the waterwheels for some of these business
operations. [10]
In August 1777, British commander Sir William Howe
landed his formidable army at the head of the Chesapeake Bay and made
for Philadelphia. Howe defeated Washington at a battle at the Brandywine
River, and his forces met a contingent of Americans in a skirmish at
Paoli. The two armies met again at Germantown, where fog and confusion
robbed the Americans of victory. In mid-December, Washington decided to
settle his men at Valley Forge for the winter. The terrain was
defensible, the location would prevent Howe from raiding much of
Pennsylvania's agricultural heartland, and, Washington hoped, the rich
farms in the valley would help supply the soldiers during the
winter.
No battles were fought at Valley Forge, but the
presence of Washington's army devastated the countryside. Soldiers dug
up the landscape to build entrenchments and redoubts. The farmers'
fences and woodlots were sacrificed to provide shelters for the men. The
residents' livestock and stores of grain were commandeered. One account
implied that the soldiers also made off with a great deal of movable
property, while the locals themselves were nearly reduced to want by the
time the troops moved on. [11]
For a while, the American military continued using
the old campgrounds at Valley Forge. They served as a hospital camp, an
ordnance depot, and a place for detention of prisoners of war. [12] Some six months after Washington's army
left, Captain Thomas Anbury, a British prisoner, was marched through
Valley Forge under guard. He was quartered in one of the old soldiers'
huts, where he recorded his surprise to observe that Washington's
defenses had been so weak. Conversation with local loyalists made him
aware of the sufferings of area residents, among whom the loyalists
still could not understand why Howe had not attacked Valley Forge the
previous winter. [13]
Even before the war was officially over, Valley Forge
farmers were working to restore the area to its bucolic, antebellum
state. There was no spring planting in 1778, but farmers returned their
land to cultivation as quickly as possible. They pulled down the
soldiers' huts for fuel and fencing material. By 1779, tax records
showed that their livestock holdings had nearly reached pre-encampment
levels. [14] In September 1781, American
Lieutenant Enos Reeves lost his way en route to Philadelphia and found
himself at Valley Forge. He wrote:
We . . . came thro' our old Encampment, or rather the
first huts of the whole army. Some of officers' huts are inhabited, but
the greater part are decayed, some are split up into rails, and a number
of fine fields are to be seen on the level ground that was cleared, but
in places where they have let the shoots grow, it is already like a half
grown young wood. [15]
Industry also rapidly returned to Valley Forge. While
the war continued, the American government established a musket factory
there. A British raiding party destroyed the old forges, but Isaac and
David Potts together with their relative William Dewees soon built a new
forge and dam and began operations at a rolling and slitting mill. In
the early 1800s, America's market economy grew, providing many
opportunities for industrialists. The production of wrought iron at
Valley Forge continued only until about 1816, but John Rogers
constructed new facilities for the manufacture of domestic hardware.
About the same time, Valley Forge acquired a saw factory, and the
production of boiler plates began in the valley. By 1818, the Valley
Forge also had a crucible steel furnace, built by the Rogers family. To
serve the thriving community, Isaiah Thropp opened Valley Forge's first
public store in 1822. [16]
At Valley Forge, the second quarter of the nineteenth
century began with some economic uncertainty, but the area soon saw new
life. Valley factories were converted for textile production, an
industry in which efficient factory system methods were emerging.
Charles Rogers ran one large mill, and just west of the village Isaiah
Thropp began operating a second mill. [17]
To the east of Valley Forge, in 1824, farmer Alexander Kennedy opened a
lime quarry and built kilns to burn lime. His two sons expanded the
business, and a prosperous village, known first as Kennedy's Hollow and
later as Port Kennedy, grew up near Valley Forge. This town also became
known for the remarkable caverns discovered during quarry operations.
[18] By the 1830s, the valley's many
successful businesses had attracted the transportation industry,
bringing canal and later rail service to Valley Forge so that its
products could more easily reach the cities. [19] In 1837, one resident wrote a relative:
"The place is growing fast and may in a few years be something of a
town." [20]
The industrial revolution brought quiet Valley Forge
the same questions and conflicts the rest of the world was grappling
with. Would industrialism create a new social order? What would be the
relationship between worker and capitalist? A Scot named Robert Owen was
advocating communal industrial communities in which members owned
property jointly, shared all labor, and divided the rewards. Owen is
most famous for the utopian community he established at New Harmony,
Indiana. His principles inspired the foundation of a similar community
at Valley Forge.
In 1826, a number of Philadelphia and Wilmington
families founded the "Friendly Association for Mutual Interests." Their
key benefactor was William Maclure, president of Philadelphia's Academy
of Natural Sciences and a devout disciple of Robert Owen. The
association purchased buildings at Valley Forge and engaged James Jones
of Chester County to supervise the colony. Jones established himself and
his own family in the small house that had been Washington's
Headquarters during the winter encampment. [21] Association members wrote for themselves a
constitution expressing their commitment to pursue useful employment and
share in the profits of their venture. Members promised to remain
"MORAL, SOBER, and INDUSTRIOUS." Domestic chores would be shared;
orphans would be provided for; food, clothing, and furniture would be
distributed to all members who were in need. The Friendly Association
ambitiously planned a permanent village with commercial buildings and
dwellings of equal accommodation for all. [22]
The Friendly Association lasted less than a year. In
general, Americans proved to be too individualistic for Owen's brand of
utopian socialism. Maclure turned critical and came to doubt that the
community at Valley Forge really understood Robert Owen's principles.
[23] It has also been speculated that the
community members suffered persecution because they reportedly did not
believe in God. [24] Many members withdrew,
but James Jones remained and purchased Washington's Headquarters.
Apparently the Friendly Association was quickly forgotten, for during
his visit in 1828 Watson never mentioned the very recent presence of
this Owenite community.
On a hill in the woods near the Schuylkill River,
Watson did notice the remains of rustic tables and benches where, he had
heard, a great many people had recently feasted together. [25] Apparently Watson just missed the Harvest
Home Meeting of Chester and Montgomery counties that had been held July
26, 1828, the first recorded mass meeting at Valley Forge. Had Watson
been present on that clear, warm day, he might have seen 4,000 people
assembled there. Although they called their gathering a Harvest Home, it
was officially an Independence Day celebration held late in July for the
convenience of farmers whose chores had kept them too busy for a holiday
earlier in the month. At noon, the Declaration of Independence had been
read; later there was music and oratory. [26]
Part of the day had been devoted to feasting and
toasting. In a shady wood, the revelers had been seated at thirteen
tables, each 164 feet long and each laden with beef, ham, potatoes, and
bread. The formal and informal toasts showed that the gathering was also
a political rally. Glasses were raised to the current president, John
Quincy Adams, and his many virtues; to Adams's administration; to the
union of the states; to Henry Clay, the champion of his country's
rights; to the people; and to the government of Pennsylvania. Survivors
of the American Revolution were increasingly cherished as death claimed
more and more of them, and several had been invited for this special
occasion. Peter S. Duponceau, a Frenchman who had been a captain at
Valley Forge and an aide to General Von Steuben, rose to declare himself
a friend to the incumbent president, preferring Adams to his political
rival Andrew Jackson, in part simply because the name "Adams" had
nostalgic connections with Revolutionary days. [27]
In 1844, Valley Forge saw another large political
rally when Daniel Webster arrived to make a campaign speech for
presidential candidate Henry Clay. By this time, many more Americans
were voting and taking an interest in politics. Webster's reputation as
a great orator ensured that the village would be thronged with eager
people clutching banners, wreaths, and patriotic emblems. After
Webster's train arrived at the little Valley Forge railway station, he
politely surveyed the village's points of interest, including
Washington's Headquarters. [28]
The printed program commemorating the 1828 Harvest
Home did not dwell much on the story of what had happened at Valley
Forge. Only briefly did it mention "the ground rendered sacred by the
sufferings of the American Army under Washington" and the soldiers who
had wintered there "amid snow and ice, and scarcity, and the
apprehension of attack from a vastly superior British force." [29] The growing popularity of the Valley Forge
story can be inferred from the fact that Webster capitalized much more
on it and even attempted to link his candidate with the heroes of Valley
Forge through the fact that both Clay and Washington had called
themselves Whigs. "Ladies and Gentlemen," Webster began,
there is a mighty power in local association. All
acknowledge it, and all feel it! . . . There are in this vast multitude
who, like myself, never before stood on the spot where the Whig army of
the Revolution, under the immediate command of their immortal leader,
went through the privations, the sufferings, and the distress, of the
winter of 1777 and 1778. . . . It is impossible to recall the
associations of such a place without deep and solemn reflection. And
when we, as Whigs, professing the principles of that great Whig leader
and that Whig army, come here to advocate and avow those principles to
one another, and professing to exercise the political rights transmitted
to us by them, for the security of that liberty which they fought to
establish, let us bring ourselves to feel in harmony with the scenes of
the past. [30]
A record dating from the same year gives evidence of
a grassroots desire on the part of local residents to gain national
recognition and fame for Valley Forge and to preserve something of the
physical place. In 1844, Isaac A. Pennypacker, a doctor in nearby
Phoenixville and the grandson of a Revolutionary War veteran, addressed
John Fanning Watson inquiring what could be done to preserve and promote
Valley Forge. "When I think of the Epoch of that gloomy winter and know
the importance of that period in the contest for Liberty, I cannot but
feel that Valley Forge has been most shamefully neglected," he wrote.
[31]
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