Chapter 3:
Worthless Lands
Nothing dollarable is safe, however guarded.
John Muir, 1910
Yosemite and Yellowstone would be models for the
national park idea for all time. But later endorsements of the
philosophy were not unqualified, nor did the establishment of either of
the two parks themselves set an unconditional precedent for strict
preservation. Instead there evolved in Congress a firm (if unwritten)
policy that only "worthless" lands might be set aside as national parks.
From the very beginning Congress bowed to arguments that commercial
resources should either be excluded from the parks at the outset, or be
opened to exploitation regardless of their location. John Conness
himself opened the Yosemite debates of 1864 with this assurance: "I will
state to the Senate," he began, "that this bill proposes to make a grant
of certain premises located in the Sierra Nevada mountains, in the State
of California, that are for all public purposes worthless, but which
constitute, perhaps, some of the greatest wonders of the world." In
closing he returned to the question of their utility rather than beauty
for emphasis. "It is a matter involving no appropriation whatever," he
stated. "The property is of no value to the Government. I make this
explanation that the Senate may understand what the purpose is." [1]
Precisely because the landscapes of the national
parks are so impressive, the economic limitations imposed on scenic
preservation in the United States have long been minimized. Simply, the
grandeur of the national parks has distracted attention from the major
precondition behind their establishment. How indeed could anyone refer
to such inspiring landscapes as "worthless"? But although Americans as a
whole admit to the "beauty" of the national parks, rarely have
perceptions based on emotion overcome the urge to acquire wealth. The
development of the United States in the midst of abundance could not
help but strengthen materialism and the nation's commitment to the
sanctity of private property. As a result, while more Americans came to
believe that no individual had the right to own a national monument,
such as Yosemite Valley, only rarely was the same standard enforced when
the scenery in question was both esthetically and economically
significant. A surplus of rugged, marginal land enabled the country to
"afford" scenic protection; national parks, however spectacular from the
standpoint of their topography, actually encompassed only those features
considered valueless for lumbering, mining, grazing, or agriculture.
Indeed, throughout the history of the national park idea, the concept of
useless scenery has virtually determined which landmarks the nation
would protect as well as how it would protect them. [2]
In 1864 Congress authorized only Yosemite Valley and
four square miles of Sierra redwoods for park status; this was hardly an
area large enough to jeopardize the nation's economy. Besides, the park
was so high and so rugged it already appeared to be valueless. [3] In short, the Yosemite grant was a clear
instance where scenic preservation could be allowed to take precedence
over economic goals because the land in question seemed worthless.
Efforts to establish parks in the future were not always to be so
noncontroversial.
With consideration of the Yellowstone park bill,
Congress restated its reluctance to protect the area if it contained
anything of appreciable value. Whatever spirit of altruism the debates
evoked quickly evaporated in the determination of both the House and
Senate to establish the worthlessness of the territory beforehand. The
bill came up for final discussion in the Senate on January 30, 1872,
and, on February 27, the House debated the measure. Still, while the
sessions confirmed that a majority of the Congress sympathized with the
intent of the legislation, clearly its approval hinged on whether or not
the park would interfere with the future of the West as a storehouse of
natural resources.
In the absence of firsthand knowledge about the area
proposed for park status, the House and Senate turned to the reports and
articles submitted by participants of the Washburn and Hayden
expeditions. Of these gentlemen, none was more crucial to the decision
of Congress than Hayden himself. While his associates might afford some
embellishment of their accounts, as head of the U.S. Geological and
Geographical Survey of the Territories, the geologist staked his own
reputation on the accuracy of his assessment. His belief that priority
should be given to the exploitation of natural resources was also well
known on Capitol Hill. [4] Thus confident of
his position, those who would have to decide the issue could speak with
conviction, ever secure in both the source and accuracy of their
information.
Indeed the striking similarity between Hayden's
report to the House Committee on the Public Lands and the tone of the
congressional debates documents the depth of his influence. Not only did
the committee publish Hayden's comments verbatim as its personal
endorsement of the park bill, but Senate records also bear testimony to
the pervasiveness of his ideas. For example, his observation that
Yellowstone was practically worthless for anything but tourism in the
first place was constantly paraphrased. "The entire area comprised
within the limits of the reservation contemplated in this bill is not
susceptible of cultivation with any degree of certainty," he began, "and
the winters would be too severe for stock-raising." Yellowstone averaged
well above 6,000 feet in altitude; under these conditions settlement
would be "problematical unless there are valuable mines to attract the
people." Yet even this seemed a remote possibility in light of the
region's "volcanic origins"; indeed it was "not probable that any mines
or minerals of value will ever be found there." Nor was there much
credibility behind the assertion that Yellowstone would prove profitable
for agricultural interests. To the contrary, the region suffered "frost
every month of the year." [5]
The description would have been convincing regardless
of its author. Because Hayden backed it with his own reputation,
however, his statement assured supporters of the Yellowstone park bill
that most objections might readily, if not completely, be overcome.
Taking instruction from Professor Hayden, those who favored the proposal
immediately sought to establish the park's uselessness for all but
scenic enjoyment. In the Senate, for example, George Edmunds of Vermont
opened the brief but spirited debates with a declaration that
Yellowstone was "so far elevated above the sea" that it could not "be
used for private occupation at all." He therefore assured his colleagues
they did "no harm to the material interests of the people in endeavoring
to preserve" the region. [6]
The only rebuttal of significance came from Senator
Cornelius Cole of California. "I have grave doubts about the propriety
of passing this bill," he responded. Although he was convinced of there
being "very little timber on this tract of land," surely it was not, as
claimed, off limits to grazing and agriculture. The fate awaiting
Yellowstone's wonders also seemed to have been overstated. No harm would
come to the geysers and other natural curiosities if their environs
reverted to private control, he maintained; besides, there was an
"abundance of public park ground in the Rocky Mountains" that never
would be occupied at all. Perhaps Yellowstone, however, was a place
"where persons can and would go and settle and improve and cultivate the
grounds, if there be ground fit for cultivation." Further guarantees by
Senator Edmunds that Yellowstone was "north of latitude forty" and "over
seven thousand feet above the level of the sea" failed in the least to
quiet Cole's objections. "Ground of a greater height than that has been
cultivated and occupied," he retorted; then he asked: "But if it cannot
be occupied and cultivated, why should we make a public park of it? If
it cannot be occupied by man, why protect it from occupation? I see no
reason in that." [7]
Passage of the bill, of course, confirms that a
majority of the Senate felt differently. Still, Cole's intensity alerted
supporters of the park to redouble their assurances of its
worthlessness, especially in light of the importance of the industries
he defended to the emerging economy of the West. Appropriately, the
assignment fell to Senator Lyman Trumbull of Illinois. His son, Walter,
it will be recalled, had participated in the Washburn Expedition of
1870. Added to Professor Hayden's personal observations of the area in
question, Walter's firsthand knowledge convinced his father that
Yellowstone's value was negligible. "Here is a region of country away up
in the Rocky Mountains," Senator Trumbull said, stressing its isolation
as proof of the claim. Clearly Yellowstone was "not likely ever to be
inhabited for the purposes of agriculture." Rather it was more probable
"that some person may go there and plant himself right across the only
path that leads to [its] wonders, and charge every man that passes along
between the gorges of these mountains a fee of a dollar or five
dollars." [8] Surprisingly, his scenario made
no mention of Niagara Falls as the classic example of such avarice.
Still, by 1872 the foundation of his analogy was common knowledge.
Professor Hayden, in his own report to the House Committee on the Public
Lands, left no doubt that the explorers' determination to avoid an other
Niagara was indeed a primary incentive for the Yellowstone park
campaign.
With consideration of the park bill by the House,
however, once again concern about the region's potential value took
precedence. To be sure, remarks supposedly in support of the reserve
still seemed distinctly noncommittal. For example, the Yellowstone "is a
region of country seven thousand feet above the level of the sea," the
bill's sponsor, Henry L. Dawes of Massachusetts, said; "there is frost
every month of the year, and nobody can dwell upon it for the purpose of
agriculture." His response to potential opposition was equally familiar.
Not only was the entire area "rocky, mountainous, and full of gorges,"
but even "the Indians," he added for emphasis, "can no more live there
than they can upon the precipitous sides of the Yosemite Valley." [9]
Such conviction, however exaggerated, was more than a
tactic to persuade Congress to enact the legislation. While Senators
Trumbull and Edmunds and Representative Dawes undoubtedly weighed the
advantages of their reliance on the worthless-lands argument, even they
had already committed themselves to abolishment of the park in light of
new evidence. From the outset the enabling act bore no "inalienable"
clause, nor was its omission an oversight. In sharp contrast to the
Yosemite Act, which contained the commitment to perpetual protection,
the generosity of the Yellowstone bill suggested the wisdom of a more
conservative approach. Senator Trumbull, for example, assured his
colleagues that "at some future time, if we desire to do so, we can
repeal this law if it is in anybody's way, but now I think it a very
appropriate bill to pass." [10] His
qualification, of course, did nothing to dilute the meaning of his
preceding statement. Simply, if development of Yellowstone became a real
possibility, Congress would have legitimate reason to rescind the park
act. The only condition, to paraphrase Trumbull, was that the exploiters
then be people who would make a solid contribution to the economy of the
West, not just "anybody" out to make a fast buck at the expense of
potential tourists.
The distinction made between legitimate and
nonlegitimate developers marks the origins of the national park idea's
enduring double standard. The sin of exploitation was not the pursuit of
personal gain, but personal gain that could not be defended as being in
the national interest. The integrity of the national parks might in fact
be compromised; restitution to the United States through industrial and
technological advances simply had to be insured. That wealth of
resources, not wealth of scenery, had become the nation's ultimate
measure of achievement was made even more explicit by Representative
Henry L. Dawes. "This bill reserves the control over [Yellowstone]," he
told the House, "and preserves the control over it to the United States,
so that at any time when it shall appear that it will be better to
devote it to any other purpose it will be perfectly within the control
of the United States to do it." And as if his meaning still were not
clear, he reworded the statement time and time again. "If upon a more
minute survey," he elaborated, "it shall be found that [Yellowstone] can
be made useful for settlers, and not depredators, it will be perfectly
proper this bill should [be repealed]." And still his qualifications
continued. "We part with no control," he finally concluded, "we put no
obstacle in the way of any other disposition of it; we but interfere
with what is represented as the exposure of that country to those who
are attracted by the wonderful descriptions of it . . . and who are
going there to plunder this wonderful manifestation of nature." [11]
Few speeches do more to confirm that the park's great
size stemmed from uncertainty rather than from a deliberate attempt to
protect the totality of Yellowstone's wilderness and ecological
resources. Had more data about the region been available to Congress,
especially that its best "wonders," "freaks," and "curiosities" had in
fact been located, undoubtedly both the House and Senate would have
taken a dim view of the boundaries submitted by Professor Hayden for
their approval. Then, too, in keeping with his own perception of the
region as a parade of beautiful "decorations," in all probability his
own proposal would have been far more conservative if drawn up with the
confidence that his information about the territory was complete.
In either case, proof of Yellowstone's vulnerability
to development soon appeared. Congress itself literally ignored the park
for the next five years. When funding finally was approved in 1877, the
amount was still woefully inadequate to manage and protect the reserve.
[12] A proposal advanced in 1884 for
construction of an access railroad across the northeast corner of the
park spelled more problems. For the remainder of the decade promoters
defended the line as the only practical method of transporting
gold-bearing ores from Cooke City, just east of the park, to the
recently completed branch line of the Northern Pacific Railway at
Gardiner Gateway, Yellowstone's northern entrance. But although Congress
turned down the plan each time it was broached, the project was denied
more because of what the mines lacked rather than what the tracks would
have threatened. Despite the glowing predictions of their boosters, the
Cooke City mines never lived up to expectations; had they done so,
Congress would have had stronger reason to side with the miners. [13] In truth, Dr. Ferdinand V. Hayden had been
vindicated; his assessment in 1871 that few of Yellowstone's volcanic
formations contained precious metals was correct. But that Congress even
considered the so-called Cinnabar and Clark's Fork Railwayand on
more than one occasionconfirmed that Yellowstone's integrity still
hinged on its worthlessness. Promoters who later eyed the national parks
would not always come up empty-handed, nor drop their schemes merely on
the threat of bitter controversy.
Denial of the railroad, to be sure, did not mark a
turning point in congressional attitudes toward scenic preservation.
When the federal government once more considered the establishment of
national parks, in all but name and location the precedents of 1864 and
1872 were little changed. Well into the twentieth century national parks
emphasized only the high, rugged, spectacular landforms of the West;
invariably park boundaries conformed to economic rather than ecological
dictates. Even later awareness about a growing need for wilderness,
wildlife, and biological conservation did not change the primary
criterion of preservationnational parks must begin worthless and
remain worthless to survive.
As if the cultural nationalism of the nation had been
assuaged, Congress established no national parks for nearly two decades
following Yellowstone. [14] In 1875 a small
reserve was set aside on Mackinac Island, in Michigan, yet it hardly
qualified as a scenic wonderland and eventually was turned over to the
state. [15] When the national park idea
enjoyed a true resurgence, the areas set aside were unmistakably in the
image of Yellowstone and Yosemite. No less than during the 1850s and
1860s, when concern about the permanence and stability of American
culture provided an incentive for scenic preservation, anxiety about the
future of the United States played a key role in revival of the park
idea. The added catalyst was a disturbing report released in 1890 by the
United States Bureau of the Census. For the first time in nearly three
hundred years, the document noted, the nation no longer possessed a
distinct boundary between the settled and unsettled portions of the
West. While large islands of uninhabited land remained, most were in
mountainous or desert provinces of marginal economic potential.
Knowledgeable Americans found the news upsetting to say the least. Since
the first English settlements along the Atlantic coast and the dawn of
westward expansion, the frontier had symbolized the essence of personal
and economic freedom. It followed that the passing of the frontier had
deprived the United States of something truly unique. Like Europe,
suddenly the New World itself faced the prospect of growing older and
more complacent. And few Americans relished the thought of confinement.
[16]
The prospect seemed all the more objectionable when
viewed against the rise of urban America. Just when the citizenry at
large had begun to seek out open spaces, it realized that cities had
even less than before. By 1890 the largest metropolitan areas of the
Eastern seaboard were either near or past a million inhabitants; just
thirty years later one of every two Americans would live in an urban
community of 2,500 or above. [17]
Anxiety among intellectuals about the nation's future
was now to be dominated by doubts about the strength, patriotism, and
stamina of urban-based Americans. Charles Eliot Norton, for example, the
Harvard scholar and former editor of the North American Review,
was among those who drew pessimistic conclusions. "Men in cities and
towns feel much less relation with their neighbors than of old," he
lamented to a close friend in 1882. Urban life threatened instead to sap
the nation of its "civic patriotism" and "sense of spiritual and moral
community." [18] Thus for those of Norton's
persuasion the Census Bureau only confirmed what most of them already
fearedthe twentieth century would find the United States a very
different nation indeed.
Convinced that cities discouraged cultural greatness,
Norton reasserted his support of nature as the antithesis of urban
stagnation. Similar rejections of urban growth breathed new life into
the park idea throughout the United States. In 1885 New York State
achieved two breakthroughs with dedication of the Niagara Falls
Reservation and establishment of the Adirondack Forest Preserve. At long
last the signboards, fences, shops, gatehouses, stables, and hotels
which so long had rimmed Niagara Falls were to give way to a free public
park. Largely the realization of efforts by Frederick Law Olmsted and
Charles Eliot Norton, the Niagara Falls Reservation ranks with Central
Park, Yosemite, and Yellowstone as a preservation triumph of the
nineteenth century. [19] Other park
advocates embraced the Adirondack state forest as a milestone, despite
their admission that its potential for recreation ranked second behind
efforts to protect its watersheds. [20]
Neither park, to be sure, could be called an
unqualified victory for preservation. The Adirondack Forest Preserve was
best described as a patchwork quilt instead of an integral unit. Rather
than purchase the land outright, the state obtained most of the forest's
original 715,000 acres piecemeal, as penalties for unpaid taxes. As a
result, few of the properties supported prime woodlands; the common
practice was to strip one's holdings and abandon them before the tax
collector arrived. The Niagara Falls Reservation likewise came into
existence hamstrung by prior development and unsettled claims. Indeed,
the cataract remained a classic example of the futility of trying to
reverse exploitation once the process was well underway. From the
beginning the park was a mere 400 acres, and fully three-fourths of
these were below water. Hydroelectric interests, moreover, now denied
access to the brink of the cataract proper, simply retaliated with
proposals to divert the flow of the Niagara River around the falls to
other suitable drops. It followed that long-range improvements to the
falls would be mainly cosmetic. After 1885 visitors could expect, at the
very least, to view the cataract without enduring the visual pollution,
and without paying exorbitant charges for access to the prime
observation points. [21]
Niagara Falls, as part of the settled, industrialized
Northeast, graphically portrayed the impracticality of campaigning for
larger parks in areas already lost to development. Most national parks
especially would have to be won from lands west of the Mississippi
River, where broad, unclaimed, marginal tracts of the public domain
still survived. Yet even in the West protection would not come easily.
Here, too, what preservationists wanted to save still had to conform to
what the economic biases of the nation allowed them to save. As Congress
began to renege on some of the more spectacular portions of existing
national parks, preservationists themselves realized how much their
movement rested on what scenery lacked as opposed to what it
contained.
By 1900 the first glimmerings of a national park
system had begun to emerge; still unresolved was how long and how
well the nation would be committed to maintaining it. Yosemite Valley
and its environs were among the first to provide unsettling clues. The
Census Report of 1890 found John Muir himself ready to admit the
vulnerability of his beloved High Sierra to defacement. Immediately
following his entry into Yosemite Valley in 1868, he showed little
anxiety about the future of the region as a whole. Throughout the 1870s
the naturalist believed that remoteness would protect the California
high country indefinitely. As late as 1875, for example, he described
the Sierra Nevada as a "vast wilderness of mountains" remaining "almost
wholly unexplored," save for "a few nervous raids . . . from random
points adjacent to trails." By 1890, however, reality had sapped his
confidence. He now conceded that the Sierra had been transformed from
flowered slopes into "rough taluses" totally devoid of flora and fauna.
Sheep were primarily responsible for the destruction; in the animals'
wake wildflowers had been forced to become "wallflowers," Muir lamented,
"not only in Yosemite Valley, but to a great extent throughout the
length and breadth of the Sierra." [22]
Yosemite, supposedly protected from defacement as a
state park, had also become the victim of its own popularity. Indeed,
much as Frederick Law Olmsted had predicted in 1865, tourists in the
valley welcomed the proliferation of eyesores which catered to their
wants. Over the years the park commissioners, many of whom were
political appointees, also ignored the intrusions. The narrowness of the
valley, of course, quickly exposed such indifferent management; any
development was readily noticeable. Sheds, stables, and fences, for
instance, necessitated the clearance of woodlands and underbrush.
Similarly, although livestock provided transportation and produce in the
valley, their presence sacrificed its wildflowers and other vegetation.
Inevitably, preservationists once again compared Yosemite's predicament
to that of Niagara Falls. As early as 1868, for instance, Josiah Dwight
Whitney, director of the California Geological Survey, warned that
Yosemite Valley, rather than being "a joy forever," instead also faced
the sadder prospect of turning into a great swindle "like Niagara Falls,
a gigantic institution for fleecing the public. The screws will be put
on," he predicted, "just as fast as the public can be educated into
bearing the pressure." By 1890 Whitney had been more than proven
correct. One hotel keeper, for example, actually cut a swath through the
trees to provide his barroom with an unobstructed view of Yosemite
Falls. [23]
Among those outraged by such callousness was Robert
Underwood Johnson, associate editor of Century Magazine. A
resident of New York City, he reflected the continuing fascination in
the West and its preservation initially fostered among eastern writers
and newspapermen such as Samuel Bowles and Horace Greeley. In 1889 he
visited San Francisco and met John Muir, who persuaded him to tour the
High Sierra in and about Yosemite Valley. Inevitably their evenings
around the campfire and rambles through the back country sparked
discussions about the calamity that had befallen the gorge and its
environs. At least Yosemite Valley, as a park, had a chance for better
protection, but the high country was still totally at the mercy of
exploitation. Sheepmen remained among the worst offenders; Muir himself
immortalized their flocks by labeling the animals "hoofed locusts." The
insinuation was more than justified, especially since it was common
practice to allow overgrazing of the grasses, young trees, and
underbrush so critical to the stability of the area's watersheds. [24] Thus evolved Muir's lament about the
survival of nothing but "wallflowers" in the High Sierra; indeed only
the steepest peaks were off limits to the flocks.
As a solution, Muir and Johnson proposed a national
park surrounding Yosemite Valley. Although the idea was not new, the men
added great vitality and prestige to the effort. Muir agreed to write
two articles describing the region for Century Magazine; Johnson,
upon returning east, promised to lobby for the park both through his
journal and in the nation's capital. [25]
That each man sought to protect more than the
"wonders" of the High Sierra is unquestionable. Muir especially
appreciated the complexity and interdependence of nature. It followed
that the future of Yosemite Valley hinged especially on the preservation
of its environs. "For the branching canyons and valleys of the basins of
the streams that pour into Yosemite are as closely related to it as are
the fingers to the palm of the hand," Muir wrote, "as the branches,
foliage, and flowers of a tree to the trunk." As a result, he firmly
believed "all the fountain region above Yosemite, with its peaks,
canyons, snow fields, glaciers, forests and streams, should be included
in the park to make it a harmonious unit instead of a fragment, great
though the fragment may be." [26] Not only
were generous boundaries vital to protect Yosemite's watersheds, but
also "the fineness of its wildness." This, too, was a worthy objective,
he insisted, especially to the "lover of wilderness pure and simple."
[27]
But although more Americans now sympathized with
Muir's endorsement of wild country, not until the 1930s would wilderness
preservation be recognized as a primary justification for establishing
national parks, at least in the eyes of Congress. At the moment a more
traditional perspective aided Muir's efforts to arouse public concern
about the Sierra Nevada as a whole. The fate of the Sierra redwoods,
specifically, was an issue more in keeping with the popular origins of
the national park idea. By the 1880s a number of major groves had been
discovered along the western face of the mountains. However, it appeared
that all but the most inaccessible stands would fall victim to lumbermen
and curiosity seekers. Preservationists still considered any logging
totally unjustified, since the Sierra redwoods, as distinct from their
distant cousins along the California coast, were so brittle they
shattered when toppled to the ground. Even trees that withstood the
crash were impractical for little more than grape stakes or shingles. In
fact, in mixed stands loggers often considered the Sierra redwoods a
nuisance because they hindered felling of other conifers, especially
sugar pine. To economize, the lumberjacks simply felled both species.
[28]
In 1878 several prominent Californians, including
George W. Stewart, editor of the Visalia Delta, organized a
movement to supplement the holdings of the Mariposa Grove, set aside by
the Yosemite Act of 1864. In time both the American Association for the
Advancement of Science and the California Academy of Sciences also lent
their support. By 1885 Stewart and his group were campaigning to protect
groves surrounding what is now the Giant Forest in Sequoia National
Park. Among the standouts of the unit was the General Sherman Tree, the
largest of all living things. [29]
Several practical considerations also aided Muir,
Johnson, Stewart, and their associates in furthering their respective
campaigns. California irrigators, for example, recognized the need for
setting aside those watersheds vital to the agricultural regions of the
state. In addition, the Southern Pacific Railroadperhaps taking
instruction from the Northern Pacific Railway's promotion of Yellowstone
National Parkseems to have lent support to the preservationists'
cause. [30] Period advertisements, at least,
confirm that the Southern Pacific was very committed to boosting tourism
throughout the Sierra Nevada.
None of these considerations, of course, overrode the
criterion that no material interests should suffer because of park
development. For example, the brittleness and inaccessibility of the
Sierra redwoods were preconditions for their preservation. Similarly,
John Muir himself stressed the importance of deflecting potential
challenges to Yosemite Park by assuring opponents of its worthlessness.
"As I have urged over and over again," he began in a letter to Robert
Underwood Johnson in May 1890, "the Yosemite Reservation ought to
include all the Yosemite fountains." For although they "are glorious
scenery," none "are valuable for any other use than the use of beauty."
Only the summits of the mountains "are possibly gold bearing," he
continuedin language highly reminiscent of F. V. Hayden's
Yellowstone report of 1872"and not a single valuable mine has yet
been discovered in them." Rather the watershed was best described as "a
mass of solid granite that will never be valuable for agriculture,"
although "its forests ought to be preserved." [31] Irrigators and farmers downslope strongly
agreed with this point; perhaps their support offset what must have been
strong opposition from grazing interests intent on maintaining their
hold in the high country.
Such details of the campaign have been lost because
of incomplete records. As a result, clues to explain why
preservationists were successful must be sought from the legislation
itself. During late August and September of 1890, bills providing for
what were to become Yosemite, Sequoia, and General Grant national parks
slipped through Congress with little fanfare. [32] The apparent lack of opposition can be laid
to the language of each bill. Yosemite, for example, was not introduced
as a national park, but as "reserved forest lands." This wording, while
not in conflict with preservationists' immediate goals, was still far
closer to the utilitarian aims of California's agricultural interests.
Perhaps the emphasis placed on protecting the watersheds of the Yosemite
high country, rather than its scenery, also explains why Congress
allowed the reserve to encompass more than 1,500 square miles. Sequoia,
by comparison, authorized as "a public park," was much smaller, only 250
square miles in area. And its neighbor to the north, General Grant,
barely included four square miles of government land surrounding the
great redwood bearing its name. [33] The
restriction of Sequoia and General Grant to the territory in and about
their focal "wonders" was in keeping with their introduction as "parks"
rather than "forest" reservations. The decision that Yosemite should
also be managed as a park was made by Secretary of the Interior John W.
Noble, to whom was entrusted the care of all three areas. [34] Following the turn of the century, when
"national forests" became synonymous with the controlled exploitation of
natural resources (as opposed to strict preservation), the significance
of his interpretation stood out.
Even as authorized, Yosemite, Sequoia, and General
Grant national parks were not immune from assault. Not only did sheepmen
continually invade the reserves, but portions of all three were
pockmarked with numerous private inholdings. Yosemite, in addition,
suffered from the absence of centralized, unified management; not until
1905 did California cede the valley proper, and the Mariposa Grove of
Sierra redwoods, back to the federal government. The perennial efforts
of congressmen in the region to abolish large portions of Yosemite Park
and return them to the public domain were equally threatening. Although
the park today is nearly circular, when it was originally surveyed, in
1890, it was almost square but for extensions along its eastern side.
The vulnerability of these protrusions lay in their real or imagined
wealth. On the western flank timber and grasslands had been taken into
the park; to the south and southeast timber and mineral claims had been
included. Finally, in 1904, a special government commission recommended
that these portions be deleted from the reserve. The following year, in
accordance with that endorsement, Congress removed the sections and
reopened them to exploitation. All told the area deleted comprised 542
square miles, fully one-third of the original reservation. In a gesture
of compensation, Congress extended the boundary northward to encompass
an additional 113 square miles of territory. Prior surveys of the
addition, however, coupled with knowledge of its ruggedness and high
altitudes, had already established its worthlessness beyond any
reasonable doubt. [35]
The reduction of Yosemite National Park confirmed
that Congress was in fact willing to reverse its prior endorsements of
scenic preservation where expedient. Granted, at the time few but John
Muir strongly opposed the realignment of Yosemite National Park. [36] After all, little had been done to
interfere with the standard perception of national parks as a unique
visual experience. Much of the territory deleted consisted of foothills
and similar topography; although such features had scenic merit in their
own right, they were not yet prized for inclusion in national
parks. Only later would esthetic conservationists themselves fully
subscribe to John Muir's appreciation of wildness and scenic beauty
exclusive of the grandiose in nature. His was a perception for a later
age, one that grasped the appeal of ordinary as well as extraordinary
ecosystems. Molded in the worship of the great or near-great in
landscapes, the national park idea moved into the twentieth century
little changed from the standards and limitations of 1864 and 1872. The
issue of worthless lands, it followed, must also be dealt with again.
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