Chapter 8:
Turf Wars
FRANK PINKLEY PLAYED A SIGNIFICANT ROLE in the
development of southwestern archaeological tourism. Before his arrival
in Arizona, no semblance of organization existed. At the turn of the
century, railroads were responsible for promoting tourism, selling a
southwestern mystique rather than any accurate representation of the
past. Pinkley changed the realities of tourism in the region. He created
an interrelated network of park areas, publicized them, and offered
every amenity that his limited budget could provide. Pinkley provided
the most up-to-date anthropological and archaeological information,
albeit from the ethnocentric perspective that characterized his time
period. Like Mather, he recognized the importance of the automobile
early on and began to accommodate its users.
But he and the NPS did not administer all the
archaeological sites in the Southwest. Some belonged to private
organizations, and Pinkley could do little about them. The Forest
Service also administered four archaeological national monuments, Tonto
and Walnut Canyon in Arizona and the Gila Cliff Dwellings and Bandelier
in New Mexico, that he coveted. During the 1920s, Pinkley joined in the
organized assault against the USFS that Mather and Albright
engineered.
The Forest Service and the Park Service had a
complicated relationship, characterized by constant conflict and rivalry
during the early decades of interagency relations. The USFS initially
opposed the establishment of the NPS, because its officials sensed that
parks presented a threat to their preeminence. Both agencies
administered lands located primarily in the West, although they had
different missions and constituencies. The Park Service became the
federal agency responsible for preservation, and before 1920 the USFS
advocated utilitarian conservation, the Progressive-era concept of wise
use of natural resources. Both agencies often sought to implement their
programs on the same tract of land, and between 1920 and the early
1930s, accusations and counteraccusations eroded friendly competition.
Fierce territorialism rooted in incommensurable comparisons of the value
of land replaced it.
During the 1920s, the Park Service acquired the upper
hand in the conflicts between the two agencies. Although dynamic
interaction characterized the rivalry, NPS administrators were closer to
the pulse of the decade. Its leaders were effective lobbyists. Mather
worked Congress like a carnival barker, taking congressmen, presidents,
and other dignitaries on "catered" camping, fishing, and hiking tours of
existing and proposed park areas. Horace Albright was a master of the
politics of land acquisition, and his piranha-like instincts shaped the
approach of the Park Service. It became the aggressor, identifying
portions of the USFS domain that it coveted and giving specific reasons
why the land should be added to the park system. Foresters then had to
show that a tract the Park Service identified as unique, significant,
and special was no different than other parts of the national
forest.
The Forest Service attempted to broaden its
obligations, but many in the agency resisted. As early as 1905, the USFS
Use Book, the bible of Forest Service policy, listed recreation
as one of the responsibilities of district rangers. Chief Forester Henry
Graves ordered an inventory of recreational values in national forests
in 1915, but out of the mistaken belief that the USFS would assume
administration of the national parks. In 1924 Aldo Leopold, who later
authored a crucial text in modern environmental writing, A Sand
County Almanac, was instrumental in creating a wilderness area in
the Gila National Forest in New Mexico, and the Forest Service
established wilderness regulations in 1929. Yet despite this minor
current, the USFS did not have recreational use in mind when it
established primitive areas. Advocates of wilderness and recreation were
a distinct minority with little influence. The utilitarian conservation
of Gifford Pinchot remained the overwhelming emphasis of the USFS. [1]
A blurring of the roles of both agencies accelerated
the rivalry during the early 1920s. Both shared the administration of
the national monuments, and each agency tried to upstage the other. In
partial response to the success of the Park Service, the USFS began to
implement recreational programs for auto tourists. The Park Service
tried to thwart such plans. By the middle of the decade, the two
agencies reached an uncomfortable impasse. The Forest Service
controlled large areas that Mather and Albright coveted, and it felt
threatened by what it considered the wanton aggressiveness of the Park
Service. Forestry officials regarded the transfer of their land to the
NPS as outright defeat. The potential for interagency conflict was
immense.
The joint administration of the national monument
category provided Pinkley with a particular problem. There were two sets
of standards when it came to monument administration, that of the Park
Service and that of the Forest Service, and Pinkley approved of only
one. He believed that the care and maintenance of national monuments by
the Forest Service was "not up to [Park Service] standards of handling
the public and giving information," and argued that "dollar for dollar,
the Park Service delivered better service did than the Forest Service."
The very best Pinkley could say of Forest Service personnel was that
they would hold the monument "in status quo [and] give it a lukewarm
police protection." [2] In the newspapers of
the Southwest, he often charged the Forest Service with neglect.
Pinkley had plenty of ammunition for these charges.
The Forest Service could not equal his efforts, and it often did not
try. The USFS regarded national monuments as makeshift, and in many
cases they did little to acknowledge the significance of areas under its
care. Prior to 1929, USFS protection of the Tonto National Monument, a
prehistoric cliff dwelling built by the Salado people of Arizona,
consisted of "the irregular visits made by local Forest Officers, whose
time was fully occupied with regular Forest work." In 1929 the Forest
Service granted the Southern Pacific Railroad a "cooperative permit" to
hire a watchman, but only after vandals managed to severely damage the
more accessible of the two clusters of ruins. The railroad installed an
Apache Indian at the ruins at a salary of $33.75 per month. [3] The man had neither archaeological training
nor instruction. Visitor service at Tonto, Bandelier, Walnut Canyon, and
the Gila Cliff Dwellings was noticeably inferior to that at Casa Grande,
and when visitors arrived at the latter, they frequently asked Pinkley
to explain the differences. These circumstances made uniform service
impossible and largely negated the thrust of Pinkley's efforts.
But the Forest Service jealously guarded its
monuments, and Pinkley's public expression of his feelings angered many
in that agency. The USFS feared that Park Service acquisitions might
establish precedents that in the long run would overwhelm the foresters.
Although Forest Service people generally liked Pinkley, at times they
thought him acquisitive and self-righteous. His contempt for Forest
Service administration of archaeological national monuments was obvious,
and he had a number of unfriendly exchanges with Forest Service
personnel. Mather and Albright tried to keep Pinkley clear of
confrontation, but because the superintendent enjoyed public tussling,
it was only a matter of time until serious contention erupted.
The conflict exploded over the Bandelier National
Monument in New Mexico. A 22,400-acre tract of archaeological ruins,
high desert mesas, and steep canyons about twenty miles from Santa Fe,
the area attracted the attention of late nineteenth-century
archaeologists, anthropologists, writers, and later, artists. Adolph F.
A. Bandelier, a self-trained anthropologist and a friend of Lewis Henry
Morgan, wrote about Frijoles Canyon, the main attraction at the
monuments, in his novel Die Koshare, The Delight Makers. Noted
author Charles Lummis, Edgar L. Hewett, and other anthropologists,
archaeologists, and writers did much to imprint a picture of the
monument and its wonders on the consciousness of the public.
The popularization of their work made the area a
focus of American travelers. Their stories and books helped fashion a
mystique that created another world of the Southwest, separated from
modern America by layers of tradition and the constraints of a different
culture. Here was the appeal to the urbanizing United States, rapidly
losing its traditional cohesiveness in the wake of unprecedented
immigration. Modern Americans saw an implicit validation of westward
progress in the ruins of aboriginal cultures subjugated by a hostile
environment. To an American public schooled in the Anglo-Saxon,
Teutoinic determinism of the first decade of the twentieth century, the
ruins affirmed a belief in a sort of social Darwinism that acknowledged
the strength of Christian society and its achievement in the New
World.
Bandelier was the perfect site for Pinkley to
administer. His programs revealed the nature of prehistoric Indian life
on the North American continent and taught Americans about the cultures
that shaped prehistoric life. Few places provided a better opportunity
to convey this kind of information. Although he always regarded the
ruins as less impressive than many, Pinkley recognized how useful the
monument would be in the southwestern group. Located near Santa Fe,
which had become a center of art as well as an increasingly popular
destination for travelers, a well-managed Bandelier would serve as an
entry point into his organized system of prehistoric and historic sites.
It could be used to pique the interest of visitors who knew little of
the other monuments.
Under the administration of the Forest Service,
Bandelier was not developed to Pinkley's advantage, and he could only
mutter about lost opportunity. The rangers of the Santa Fe National
Forest administered the monument, and although they did not discourage
visitors, neither did they offer educational programs. The ruins were
anomalies on Forest Service land, managed by people more concerned with
grazing leases, fire trails, and clearing dead timber than with the
remains of a prehistoric civilization. Although he never doubted the
competency of the Forest Service in matters of forestry, Pinkley
believed that the wrong bureau managed the ruins. He was sure the Park
Service could do a better job informing visitors to the monument of its
cultural significance.
Although Forest Service management of Bandelier posed
problems for Pinkley, the ever-present prospect of conversion of the
monument to national park status was a more direct threat to his
conception of a clearly defined group of national monuments. Mesa Verde,
a collection of archaeological ruins in southwestern Colorado, received
national park status shortly after the passage of the Antiquities Act in
1906, and if Bandelier followed the same route, Pinkley believed it
would negate much of his work during the 1920s. The definition of parks
and monuments would again be at issue, and the boundaries between the
categories of public reservations would blur. Bandelier easily fit the
definition of a national monument in the Antiquities Act. Its
transferral would shatter the integrity of the category, as well as
confirm once again the impression that all significant monuments were
headed for park status as soon as Congress could be convinced to pass
appropriate legislation.
There had been efforts to establish a national park
in the Bandelier area throughout the first quarter of the twentieth
century, and one attempt indirectly led to the establishment of the
national monument. Between 1899 and 1915, more than fifteen separate
bills to make the region a national park were introduced in Congress.
All failed, and the establishment of the national monument in 1916 was
the result of a maneuver by the Forest Service to circumvent a national
park bill in Congress. Secretary of Agriculture David F. Houston sent
Arthur Ringland, the district forester in northern New Mexico, and Will
C. Barnes, chief of grazing for the agency, to the area. The men found
impressive ruins that they termed "distinctive," but felt that monument
status was sufficient protection for the region. Barnes suggested that
the monument be named for Adolph Bandelier, who died in 1914. Under the
terms of the Antiquities Act, the USFS retained jurisdiction of the
monument.
But monument status was only a prelude to further
efforts to establish a national park. Edgar L. Hewett, whose empire had
grown considerably since 1906, considered the area his personal
archaeological project. Hewett dug extensively in northern New Mexico
and used his excavations to increase the importance of Santa Fe as a
cultural center. In 1907 he arranged for the School of American
Archaeology [now called the School of American Research], a division of
the Archaeological Institute of America, to be located in Santa Fe, and
he became its first director. In 1909, he founded the Museum of New
Mexico, using it as a storehouse for many of the artifacts he collected
on his frequent archaeological expeditions. When he thought the
proposals to turn the monument into a national park served his
interests, he advocated a national park. In the summer of 1923, Hewett
visited Robert Sterling Yard, Mather's old friend who had become the
executive secretary of the National Parks Association, and suggested
that the time was right for a national park on the Pajarito Plateau.
With Yard's and Hewett's coaxing, the Park Service
moved into high gear. Yard enlisted the National Geographic Society, and
Hewett used his vast power base in the state to bring the issue to the
attention of the public. Newspapers in New Mexico advocated the
establishment of the park, and Hewett reprinted some of the best
articles in his quasi-scholarly El Palacio, the journal of the
Museum of New Mexico. As a result of the uproar, the Park Service jumped
on the bandwagon. In 1924, Mather brought a proposal for a national park
of more than 200,000 acres to the Coordinating Committee on National
Parks and Forests (CCNPF). Stunned, the Forest Service began to devise a
counterattack.
In response to Mather's development of the commercial
potential of the park system, USFS officials sought to assume
responsibility for strict preservation of the character of the region.
The foresters believed that during the 1920s Mather and Albright had
abandoned preservationist policies in order to garner support for the
fledgling Park Service. The Park Service seemed more concerned with
catering to its visitors with hotels and new roads than with protecting
the resources that attracted people to a park area. In the view of
Forest Service officials, this was poor policy, and it left a gap that
they intended to fill. This gave the Forest Service the incentive to
hold on to places like Bandelier.
Yet the Pajarito Plateau national park was a crucial
addition for the Park Service. Within Mather's and Albright's plan to
broaden the boundaries of the park category, the Pajarito Plateau gave
them the opportunity to create a new conceptthe "aggregate value"
national park. Like Mesa Verde, the Bandelier vicinity included many
prehistoric ruins. But the area also contained excellent scenery in the
nearby Jemez Mountains, to the west of the existing monument. Mather and
Albright did not want an exclusively archaeological park, and the
mountains alone were not sufficiently important to make another
mountaintop park. Combining the values gave the agency an area of
national significance and the rationale for creation of many more
national parks in the future.
With such a strong difference of opinion between the
two agencies, resolution in Washington, D.C., seemed unlikely. Members
of the CCNPF planned an inspection tour of the region for early in
September 1925. Its members represented both NPS and USFS perspectives,
but the Park Service was outnumbered. Congressmen Henry W. Temple of
Pennsylvania, a staunch park advocate, headed the committee, and Charles
Sheldon of the Boone and Crockett Club, Maj. William A. Welch, the
general manager and chief engineer of the Palisades Interstate Park
Commission of New York, Mather, and Forester William Greeley made up the
commission. Welch and Sheldon frequently appointed substitutes for
fact-finding trips, as did Mather and Greeley. Arthur Ringland, who was
responsible for the creation of Bandelier and had also been the forester
in charge of the Grand Canyon National Monument during the Forest
Service tenure there, served as the secretary on the New Mexico trip and
Assistant Forester Leon F. Kneipp represented the USFS. Mather could not
be present and he appointed Dr. Jesse L. Nusbaum, the superintendent of
Mesa Verde and a close associate of Hewett's, to go to central New
Mexico as the Park Service representative on the tour.
The task of the commission was to gauge local
sentiment about the park project. On 16 September 1925 Temple headed a
public meeting in Albuquerque. Nusbaum found a sympathetic audience; he
reported that all who came to a public meeting "desired a National Park
or Monument area and were not hesitant about saying so." He decided that
the people of Albuquerque recognized the economic value of the proposed
parks, and their support kept Forest Service representatives from
offering substantive opposition to the proposal. [4]
The hearing the following night in Santa Fe began
similarly, and the committee expected to hear additional expressions of
sympathy for the park. Edgar L. Hewett chaired this public meeting. He
traced the history of previous efforts to create a park in the region
and pointed out the shortcomings of each attempt. Congressman Temple
stood up to explain the purpose of his committee and to make it clear
that he wanted a reading of local sentiment on the park question. As
Temple sat, the Forest Service representatives took their cue, and
efforts to stymie the establishment of a national park in north-central
New Mexico began to unfold.
Forest Service resistance to the latest effort had
begun long before the commission hearing. As Nusbaum reported to Mather
the following day, in the months preceding the visit of the commission,
a former Forest Service employee, A. J. Connell, who ran the Los Alamos
Ranch School, a boarding school for boys located about ten miles from
Ban delier, "started a campaign of defamation of the Park Service and
the National Park idea." Nusbaum heard that Connell also threatened to
close his school if a national park was created and "in the course of
his talk [at a local gathering] and in subsequent talks, made public
personal statements which any person knowing anything of the Park
Service would know as absolute falsehoods." Connell convinced some area
landholders that the Park Service would seize their land, that no one
would be allowed to collect even dead timber for firewood, and that the
Park Service would ban private cars from the park and force visitors to
pay "to ride in the shrieking yellow busses of the transportation
monopolies." [5]
Nusbaum felt that in an attempt to thwart the
creation of the national park, Connell maliciously misstated both the
objectives of the park project and the policies of the NPS. In fact, the
agency followed a policy allowing any reasonable compromise that
furthered the procurement of land in a region where a national park was
proposed. For example, during the First World War, a unique agreement
permitted grazing in Yosemite, and the Department of the Interior
established the precedent that allowed the collection of dead timber for
private use at Mukuntuweap (Zion) National Monument in 1914. [6] But Connell's insistence mustered strong and
vocal resistance to the idea of a national park on the Pajarito
Plateau.
Nusbaum found himself in a sticky situation. "The
Forest Service had all the objectors to the plan lined up for the
meeting," he told Mather, and they tried to make it seem that the region
was inappropriate for a national park. Hewett, the most important
advocate of a national park in north-central New Mexico, felt compelled
to remain neutral because he chaired the meeting. Caught unprepared, the
park advocates were leaderless and relatively unorganized. Two stand-ins
on the committee, Barrington Moore, Sheldon's representative who had
worked for the Forest Service employee and had become the editor of
Ecology Magazine, and Assistant Forester Leon F. Kneipp,
mercilessly pounded Nusbaum with "leading questions." Ringland, who
originally worked to have the area set aside as a monument in 1915, was
"apparently . . . bored to death [by talk of the region], and every
remark he made belittled the area as a national park." [7]
The meeting proved uncomfortable for Nusbaum and the
park constituency. Even with the support of New Mexico congressman John
Morrow and Temple, Nusbaum felt that the evening was a failure. He had
been ambushed because of his unpreparedness, and as a result, he felt
that the question of the Cliff Cities National Park, the name given to
Mather's proposal, was not fairly evaluated. Innuendo and propaganda
formed the basis of public assessment of the issue, and its merit as an
important artifact of the American archaeological past was ignored.
The Forest Service opposed creation of the national
park because its policy dictated that economic development on the
Pajarito Plateau was more important than the preservation of ruins. The
foresters contested the Park Service premise that administration of the
ruins was the primary issue on the plateau. In their view, there was
little benefit for local homesteaders in promoting tourist travel, and
economic development that focused upon ranching and timber cutting was
far more important. As long as the Park Service insisted that effective
preservation of archaeological ruins required restrictions upon the
commercial use of large tracts of forest land, the Forest Service
planned to oppose the project.
Homesteaders, stockmen, and timber interests
comprised the Forest Service constituency, and the foresters position
dictated that the economic value of forest land was at least equal to
the cultural value of archaeological sites. From the local perspective,
Forest Service officials contended, the timber resources were far more
important than the need for preservation of large areas of the plateau.
If the archaeological ruins could be administered in conjunction with
the use of forest land on the plateau, then perhaps a compromise could
be worked out. But a large national park, restricting the use of the
timber and grazing resources of the Santa Fe National Forest, was out of
the question.
Although it was a despondent Nusbaum who continued
with the committee to visit the ruins the following day, the damage to
his cause, except for public embarrassment, was minimal. His performance
in Santa Fe greatly disappointed him, and he was certain it hurt the
chances of establishing a park. But Temple and Morrow remained strong
proponents of the national park, even though the intensity of the
resistance of the USFS surprised Morrow. [8]
Despite the public battering Nusbaum took, it appeared that a national
park in the northern half of New Mexico would become reality. The Forest
Service representatives knew that Temple's support of the proposal put
them at a disadvantage. He was the only elected official on the
committee, the only member without a vested interest in the outcome,
and his opinion outweighed all the others.
Kneipp, Moore, and Ringland sought opportunities to
make their case to Temple without NPS interference, while Nusbaum
complained about their tactics. During the visit to the Pajarito Plateau
ruins the following day, Nusbaum did not have an opportunity to speak to
Temple without a forester present. The Forest Service representatives
took Temple to lunch at Connell's Los Alamos Ranch School and "wasted
much valuable time" during the meal in a ploy Nusbaum interpreted as an
attempt to steer the congressman away from the ruins in Frijoles Canyon.
By the time the party arrived at the canyon rim, it was nearly dark. The
travelers hiked down the trail and glanced around in the dusk, visiting
the ruins in what Nusbaum called "a very superficial way." [9]
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