Contents
Foreword
Preface
The Invaders 1540-1542
The New Mexico: Preliminaries to Conquest 1542-1595
Oñate's Disenchantment 1595-1617
The "Christianization" of Pecos 1617-1659
The Shadow of the Inquisition 1659-1680
Their Own Worst Enemies 1680-1704
Pecos and the Friars 1704-1794
Pecos, the Plains, and the Provincias Internas 1704-1794
Toward Extinction 1794-1840
Epilogue
Abbreviations
Notes
Bibliography
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A Satire of New Mexico
After Posada, no friar ever wielded the authority of
the Inquisition in New Mexico the way he had. Fray Juan de Paz, his
successor in 1665 as both agent and custos, evidently wanted to.
Instead, he stirred up such a storm of local resentment that the Holy
Office was obliged to reevaluate its role in the colony. Father Paz, it
appeared, wanted "to make every affair and case an Inquisition matter,"
not merely to insure the purity of the Faith but also to intimidate
opponents of the friars' regime. If the Franciscans were using the
authority of the Holy Office to maintain their privileged ecclesiastical
monopoly in New Mexico, that was patently wrong. Having admonished Paz
to keep peace with the civil authorities, the inquisitors listened with
concern to the complaints that reached them late in 1667. [51]
"We beg you," wrote the Santa Fe cabildo, "to free us
of such duress, so many troubles and miseries as we poor soldiers suffer
at the hands of these religious." Ever since its founding seventy years
before, vast and remote New Mexico had groaned, the municipal council
said, under the oppression of litigious Franciscans. The friars were the
only ecclesiastical law. They were the judges. They heard and recorded
all testimony. Because there were no lawyers in the colony to offer
counsel, the citizen stood defenseless and fearful before the arbitrary
justice of the Franciscans. For no greater offense than hiring an Indian
laborer against the will of a friar, New Mexicans were threatened with
prosecution by the Inquisition. Such intimidation was commonplace. What
moved the cabildo to appeal at this juncture was not so common.
The Friars Reprimanded by Holy
Office
Fray Nicolás de Enríquez, appointed
notary of the Inquisition by Father Paz, had written a scurrilous satire
"against this entire kingdom, stripping everyone in it of his dignity,
from the governor to this cabildo." The populace clamored for the
cabildo to do something. Cristóbal de Chávez went after
Fray Nicolás with his dagger, and the friar had to run for his
life. To prevent another such scene, the cabildo had petitioned Custos
Paz to punish Enríquez and send him back to Mexico City. Instead
the prelate embraced this friar and appeared with him in the streets.
Worse, under pain of ecclesiastical censure, Paz tried to suppress the
case by seizing the pertinent papers, including the cabildo's file copy
of the satire, a bootless move since many persons already knew the words
by heart. To avoid more litigation with the custos, the cabildo laid the
matter before the Holy Office, enclosing a copy of the repugnant
satire.
The cabildo also made a significant
recommendationthat the Holy Office appoint as its local agent a
secular clergy man, not a friar. The tithe and the revenue from the
confraternity of Nuestra Señora de los Remedios were sufficient
to support him. They had already petitioned the bishop of Durango to
appoint a secular vicar as ecclesiastical judge ordinary. Although the
Franciscan commissary general successfully quashed these attempts to
break the Order's monopoly of ecclesiastical justice in New Mexico, they
did serve as a warning to overzealous friars. [52]
In the matter of the satire, the attorney of the Holy
Office sustained the cabildo. He advised that the inquisitors instruct
Agent Paz not to employ Fray Nicolás de Enríquez in any
Inquisition business whatever. In addition, a secret investigation
should be made to determine if he really was the author, and the cabildo
should be assured that any official of the Inquisition guilty of
wrongdoing would be punished. [53]
If he was the author, as everyone in New Mexico
seemed to think, Enríquez may have penned his controversial
satire at Pecos. A native of Zacatecas in his mid-forties, he had
probably arrived in New Mexico with Father Posada in 1661. He had been
guardian of the Santa Fe convento during the worst of the
Peñalosa-Posada feud. After Posada left the colony in 1665, one
Fray Nicolás de Echevarría, from the mining town of Sierra
de Pinos southeast of Zacatecas, took over as guardian at Pecos. He did
not last. [54] By late 1666, when called by
Agent Paz to testify against Cristóbal de Anaya Almazán,
Fray Nicolás de Enríquez had moved in at Pecos. He did not
last either.
By July 1667, three months before the cabildo sent a
copy of the satire to the Holy Office, Nicolás de Enríquez
testified as guardian of Zia. Just to confuse the succession, it would
seem, another Enríquez, aged Fray Diego, a Spaniard who had
affiliated himself with the Mexican province in 1626 and evidently no
relative, took his place at Pecos. About the same time Fray Juan de
Talabán succeeded Father Paz as custos. The latter continued for
another year as agent of the Holy Office. The death of Fray
Nicolás de Enríquez, probably in 1668, cheated the cabildo
of seeing the friar who had allegedly ridiculed an entire colony receive
his just deserts. [55]
The colonists rejoiced at the fall of Fray Juan de
Paz. Last of the Franciscans in New Mexico to serve simultaneously as
custos and as agent of the Holy Office, he had failed to grasp the
inquisitors' growing desire to disassociate the authority of the
Inquisition and local politics. When they reviewed his proceedings in
Mexico City, they decided that impropriety, gross ignorance, and
inattention to the obligations of the office had characterized his
tenure. They threw out the cases he submitted. Commenting on his
evidence against Juan Domínguez de Mendoza, the inquisitors
noted, "All the witnesses who testify against him are friars and it
appears that they are inspired by malice." [56]
Agent Bernal at Pecos
Just arrived from Mexico City, the cautious new
agent, Fray Juan Bernal, probably on the advice of Alonso de Posada,
chose as his headquarters the prudently out-of-the-way convento of
Pecos. There on January 19, 1669, he swore in as notary Fray Francisco
Gómez de la Cadena. The previous notary, appointed by Father Paz
in the wake of the Enríquez scandal, was impeded by illness, said
Bernal, "and many leagues from this convento of Pecos." Two days later
ex-agent Paz signed a hastily compiled inventory of Inquisition papers,
formally surrendering them to his successor. They included
correspondence, edicts of the Faith, instructions from the inquisitors,
and a whole array of confidential cases that Bernal would soon discover
were in a horrible mess. [57]
The son of Bartolomé Bernal, native of San
Lúcar de Barrameda on the Andalusian coast, and Beatriz de la
Barrera of Sevilla, Juan had been born a criollo in the City of Mexico.
On February 12, 1648, at the Convento Grande, he put on the robe of St.
Francis. He was only fifteen years and four months old. Twenty years a
friar, Bernal was still in his mid-thirties in 1669. As he and his
notary worked to bring order out of the jumble left by Paz, which
entailed among other things chasing down witnesses who after two and
three years still had not ratified their declarations, Bernal would need
all the stamina he could muster. [58]
Strange Case of Bernardo
Gruber
By spring, the new agent had pulled together enough
of the loose ends of one case to submit the proceedings to Mexico City.
It concerned Bernardo Gruber, a Sonora-based German peddler accused of
distributing along with his wares certain mysterious little slips of
paper and claiming that "whoever would chew one of these papers would
make himself invulnerable for twenty-four hours."
Father Paz had arrested Gruber straight-away. Since
April of 1668, the poor wretch had been locked up in "one of the safest
rooms" of Capt. Francisco de Ortega's hacienda in the Sandía
district. For the benefit of the inquisitors, Father Bernal
characterized as best he could the various witnesses in the case, one "a
mulatto, but a truthful man and a good Christian," another "a mestizo
and a quiet boy of good reputation and fairly reliable." He explained
why it had not been possible to ship Gruber to Mexico City. In so doing,
he painted a graphic picture of conditions in New Mexico, dismal at
best, even when allowance is made for exaggeration.
New Mexico's Dire State in
1669
Sending him at present is all but impossible, Most
Illustrious Sir, because this kingdom is seriously afflicted, suffering
from two calamities, cause enough to finish it off, as is happening in
fact with the greatest speed.
The first of these calamities is that the whole land
is at war with the very numerous nation of the heathen Apache Indians,
who kill all the Christian Indians they encounter. No road is safe. One
travels them all at risk of life for the heathens are everywhere. They
are a brave and bold people. They hurl themselves at danger like people
who know not God, nor that there is a hell.
The second calamity is that for three years no crop
has been harvested. Last year, 1668, a great many Indians perished of
hunger, lying dead along the roads, in the ravines, and in their hovels.
There were pueblos, like Las Humanas, where more than four hundred and
fifty died of hunger. The same calamity still prevails, for, because
there is no money, there is not a fanega of maize or wheat in all the
kingdom. As a result the Spaniards, men as well as women, have sustained
themselves for two years on the cowhides they have in their houses to
sit on. They roast them and eat them. And the greatest woe of all is
that they can no longer find a bit of leather to eat, for their
livestock is dying off.
If God sent rain Bernal would send Gruber. The
southbound supply wagons would be leaving in November. Before then,
however, he hoped to have instructions from the Holy Office. When
nothing arrived until much later, Gruber stayed locked up. [59]
Agent Bernal had his problems. He soon discovered how
much work it was to carry on judicial proceedings in a colony so vast
and so perilous. "I can neither summon anyone nor go myself to where it
can be done, for everyone is afoot, without animals, because the heathen
enemy have stolen them." Father Gómez de la Cadena, his notary,
fell ill. On February 4, 1670, in the guardian's cell at Pecos, he swore
in another one, Father Pedro de Ávila y Ayala, who was already
living at the mission. Fray Pedro, a hardy, zealous sort, had traveled
in 1668 from the province of Yucatan to Mexico City begging alms for the
sacred places in the Holy Land. When he saw the supply train forming up
for New Mexico, he was overcome, said the pious chronicler Vetancurt, by
a desire to save souls. He had volunteered and ridden north with
Bernal.
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Rain cloud decorations incised on Pecos
clay pipes. Kidder, Artifacts.
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On the last day of February, trail-weary Brother Blas
de Herrera, whom Bernal had sent to Mexico City with the Gruber case
eleven months before, reappeared at Pecos with a packet of documents in
response. The inquisitors expressed their disgust at the way Father Paz
had proceeded against the German. They warned Bernal that local agents
did not have the authority to arrest the accused in such a case without
express orders from the Holy Office. In another letter, they reiterated
that disrespect for the Franciscans was not an Inquisition matter. An
agent must not meddle in affairs that lay beyond the jurisdiction of his
office "thus giving rise to much prejudice and hatred against this
Tribunal." The admonition was for Bernal's own good, "so that with due
care he may avoid what his predecessor has brought about by his
ignorance." Still, no one released poor Gruber. [60]
The only case of record initiated by Agent Bernal was
against an illiterate soldier named Francisco Tremiño, "a man who
swears all day long, and is a desperate character." Several witnesses
who appeared at Pecos that spring of 1670 to denounce Tremiño
alleged that he was in league with the devil. One of them, Antonio de
Ávalos, later described as "a native of New Mexico, of good
stature, tall and slender, dark with an aquiline face and crooked nose,
and coarse hair," Bernal characterized as "one of the lowliest men in
these provinces." As for Tremiño, he lit out for Sonora and was
apparently never brought to trial. During Lent some Apaches made off
with Bernal's riding animals leaving the agent of the Holy Office
"practically afoot." [61]

Fray Juan Bernal, agent of the Holy Office
Gruber Escapes
After twenty-seven months of confinement, Bernardo
Gruber escaped. Breaking a window and pushing out one of the heavy
wooden bars, he had made his getaway with the help of the Apache servant
who was guarding him. Together they had fled south in the night with
five horses and an arquebus. On Saturday, June 28, 1670, a distressed
and out-of-breath Capt. Francisco de Ortega, who had borrowed a horse to
get to Pecos, detailed the entire episode for Father Bernal. Within two
days the Franciscan had notified Gov. Juan de Medrano y Mesía of
the escape and of the dereliction of the local officials who refused to
aid Ortega in pursuit. The governor dispatched Cristóbal de Anaya
Almazán with a squad of soldiers and forty Indians. Bernal had
Fray Pedro de Avila y Áyala draw up bulletins alerting the agents
of the Inquisition in Parral and Sonora. He then sent his notary to
inspect the scene and verify Ortega's story. It checked out. The bar had
been removed. Gruber was gone. [62]

Fray Pedro de Ávila y Ayala
The following week, when Father Bernal wrote the Holy
Office from Sandía, he was feeling very much like Job. Apaches
and famine still stalked the land. He still had not straightened out and
completed the farrago of Inquisition records, but with God's help he
would. The trouble was, he admitted, "they are so mixed up and confused
that I do not understand them." Lord knew, he was trying.
Even though sick with sunburn and other afflictions
of this country which I have suffered during certain proceedings in the
line of duty, with one arm crippled for several days from running sores,
I carry on glady, ever confident that Your Illustrious Lordship will
protect me and take me from this country. For even though I have striven
to live with the utmost care, and always in seclusion, fraternizing with
no one since they attempt to stain my reputation, [it has happened,] as
will be seen from a declaration made by Domingo López which I
remit to Your Illustrious Lordship with this letter. [63]
Later that summer, there was news of the fugitive
Bernardo Gruber. A party of travelers making their way through the
forlorn and shimmering desert stretch south of Socorro in mid-July came
upon a dead horse tethered to a lonely tree. Nearby they found articles
of clothing, apparently Gruber's. A further search turned up his hair,
more bits of clothing, and "in very widely separated places the skull,
three ribs, two long bones, and two other little bones which had been
gnawed by animals."
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Detail of Bernardo de Miera y Pacheco's
1758 map showing the Jornada del Muerto and a place called
Alemán, or the German, in memory of Bernardo Gruber.
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It appeared that Gruber's Apache companion had killed
him for the other horses and the arquebus. If to cover his tracks the
wily Gruber had murdered the Apache, tethered the horse, and planted the
clothing, no one ever suspected it. In Mexico City, the inquisitors
resolved that the dead peddler's wares be sold at auction, that Mass be
said for the repose of his soul, and that his bones be given a church
burial. Although the life of this luckless German wanderer has long been
forgotten, his death gave name to, or at least reinforced the name of
the Jornada del Muerto, the Dead Man's Route. [64]
Bernal Wraps Up Inquisition
Business
Back in his cell at Pecos, the conscientious Bernal
pored over document after document in an effort to conclude every bit of
Inquisition business left undone by his predecessor. There was, for
example, the matter of four dozen confiscated packs of playing cards
that Father Paz had turned over to Maese de campo Pedro Lucero de Godoy,
local depositary of the royal treasury. He was to sell the packs at two
pesos each in New Mexico commodities. During a period of two years and
eight months, Lucero had sold only one pack. Not only were the cards
damaged and worm-eaten from five years' storage, but the stamp on them
did not correspond. Besides, anyone who wanted playing cards bought them
at the store of Governor Medrano, the one store in the colony.
The only way to move the cards, Bernal reckoned, was
to sell them to the governor at half price "in the most respected
commodity of this country, that it in standard tanned skins, being the
commodity most readily sold in New Spain." The governor consented. At
Pecos on November 22, 1670, his agent gave a promissory note for the
forty-seven skins. Seven months later in Santa Fe, notary Ávila y
Ayala certified receipt of the skins, the same day entrusting them to
Lucero de Godoy who added two more for the single pack he had sold at
the original price. Finally, on September 4, 1672, Father Bernal ordered
Lucero to deliver the skins to Franciscan procurator Fray Felipe Montes
who was about to depart with the returning supply wagons. That, to
Bernal's relief, was an end to that. [65]
Fray Juan Bernal, sober and unobtrusive, persevered
as the Inquisition's agent in New Mexico, seemingly as late as 1679, the
year his superiors in Mexico City named him custos. On the roster
compiled by the New Mexico chapter in August 1672, Bernal was listed as
a definitor of the custody and as guardian not at Pecos but at Galisteo,
where eight years later he would suffer a violent death. [66]
The Martyrdom of Ávila y Ayala at
Hawikuh
His former notary, the ardent Fray Pedro de
Ávila y Ayala, accepted the heavier cross of Hawikuh among the
Zuñis. Within months he was dead. Western Apaches, emboldened by
drought and famine, swept into the pueblo in 1673 killing, burning, and
looting. Father Ávila y Ayala died, according to Vetancurt, as a
proper martyr should. He fled into the church and embraced a cross and
an image of Our Lady. They dragged him out and stripped off his habit.
At the foot of a large cross in the patio they stoned him, shot arrows
at the writhing nude figure, and finally smashed his head with a heavy
bell. [67]
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Pecos Glaze V pottery. Kidder,
Pottery, II.
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The new man at Pecos, shown on the August 1672
roster, was Fray Luis de Morales, born at Baeza in the southern Spanish
province of Jaén, professed August 26, 1660, at Puebla, and tried
as a missioner in New Mexico since 1665. He did not stay at Pecos many
years, for in August of 1680 when the Pueblos erupted, Fray Luis died a
martyr at his post in San Ildefonso. [68]
As for the Inquisition in New Mexicopersonified
so boldly in the early 1660s by Fray Alonso de Posadait hardly
functioned during the seventies. The pursuit of Bernardo Gruber seems to
have been the last excitement. Agent Bernal's preoccupation with playing
cards was indicative.
The tribunal in Mexico City had finally awakened to
the fact that its Franciscan agents in New Mexico were reshaping the
special province of the Inquisition to fit their local ecclesiastical
monopoly and using it as a club in church-state brawls. As a result, the
inquisitors had admonished Agents Paz and Bernal to cooperate with the
civil authorities. Recognizing the obvious conflict of interest, they no
longer appointed the Franciscan custos as comisario of the Holy
Office.
Agent Bernal got the message. While insisting on the
respect due his office, neither he nor the energetic friar who succeeded
him in 1679 went out looking for blasphemers. Like everyone else in New
Mexico, they prayed for survival, and hardly heard the expletives. [69]
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