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Chapter
2
Review
of the Archaeological Data
Kenneth M. Ames
The
Southern (Columbia) Plateau: Background
Introduction
Many of the topics of importance to this study are
covered in detail in the papers in The Handbook of North American Indians,
Volume 12, The Plateau, edited by Deward E. Walker Jr. (Walker 1998).
The reader of this report is referred to that volume if they wish more
background than given here.
Environments
(cf. Chatters 1998 and references)
The Columbia Plateau (or the Southern Plateau [Figures
1 & 2]) is flanked on
the west by the eastern slopes of the Cascade Mountain range, on the
east by the Northern Rocky Mountains, on the north by the Okanogan Highland
of northern Washington State and southern British Columbia, and on the
south by the Southern Uplands, the Blue Ochoco Mountain system
of central Oregon. The central feature of the Plateau is the Columbia
Basin, a depression in the center of the region filled with vast sheets
of Miocene basalt, the results of multiple, volcanic eruptions. This
lava plain tilts down to the west and is lowest along the eastern flanks
of the Cascades. It rises gradually to the east to more than 600 meters
(2000 ft). The region's rivers, including the Columbia River, the Snake
River and their tributaries, are entrenched in deep canyons in the northern
and eastern portions of the Plateau, but flow through relatively low
terrain in some parts of the southwestern portions. The Columbia River
is pinned against the Cascades by the basalt flows.
The Plateau has a continental climate, with cold winters
and hot summers. Rainfall comes from the west, off the Pacific Ocean.
Thus, the very low western portions of the Plateau are the driest because
they lie in the Cascade's rain shadow (Figure
3). Rainfall increases to the east. The uplands flanking the basin
are forested, while the basin itself is covered with a shrub and bunch
grass steppe. This bald description masks great ecological diversity,
particularly in the wetter and higher portions of the region (Figure
4).
Mammals of economic importance in the past include elk
(Cervus elaphas), mule deer (Odocoileus hemionus), white-tailed
deer (Odocoileus virginianus), bison (Bison bison), mountain
sheep (Ovis canadensis), mountain goat (Oreamnos americanus),
and pronghorn (Antilocapra americana). The region is most famous,
of course, for its once prolific salmon runs. Three of the Northwest's
five salmonid species were present in the Columbia and Snake River systems:
the Chinook (Oncorhynchus tschawytscha), sockeye (O. nerka),
and steelhead (O. mykiss). Salmon are anadromous, born in fresh
water, travel to the ocean after a time, grow to adulthood in the North
Pacific, and then return to the stream where they were born to spawn.
Unlike Atlantic salmon, Pacific salmon die upon spawning. Other economically
important fish include sturgeon (Acipenser transmontanus), lamprey
eels (Entosphenus tridentatus), suckers (Catostomus sp.),
and other resident fish. A wide range of plant material was harvested
for an equally wide array of purposes. Some of this is discussed separately
below (Section 6.4.)
Archaeologists on the Plateau have been considerably
interested in reconstructions of paleoenvironments. Despite that, I
do not attempt one here, nor do I offer a summary. This is in part due
to the time constraints of this study. It also does not seem necessary
for the purposes of this document. Chatters (1994, 1998) offers a recent
one.
Anthropological
and Archaeological Research
Several good accounts of the history of anthropological
and archaeological research on the Plateau have been recently published
(e.g. Campbell 1989, 1991; Reid 1991a, Lohse and Sprague 1998). The
reader is referred to those works for detail, analysis1,
and sources on that history. Only a few points need to made here. The
vast majority of all archaeological work on the Plateau has been CRMrelated,
even before there was a concept of CRM. While fieldwork on the Plateau
began well before World War II, its real impetus was post-war dam construction,
and the resulting River Basin Surveys of the 1950s. The great majority
of projects since the 1950s has been related to dams and reservoirs.
Within the last 25 years work has expanded out of the canyons and river
bottoms. Virtually all of this work is also CRM related in the form
of Forest Service projects, pipeline projects, etc. An impressive body
of evidence has built up, but it has limitations. Excavations in the
canyons, for example, focus on pithouse sites, and on the house pits
themselves. We have, therefore, far more information about the contents
of the structures than we do for exterior activity areas. While the
earlier work often involved extensive excavations of a few major sites,
more recent work has tended to be survey and tests of a wider range
of sites. Clearly that corrected an earlier bias in the data, but creates
one of its own if we do not have comparable samples.
While work has been extensive, four major projects have
profoundly shaped what we currently know about Plateau archaeology.
In the early 1960s, faculty and graduate students from Washington State
University began work in proposed reservoirs in the Lower Snake River
Region. This work continued into the mid-1970s along the Lower Snake
and Lower Clearwater Rivers. It produced the longest and for a time,
best-documented, multi-site chronology in the Southern Plateau. In the
late 1970s, a massive, three season project based at the University
of Washington excavated 18 sites behind the Chief Joseph Dam on the
Upper Columbia, developing what is still probably the region's best,
large modern data set. It is certainly among the best documented. Within
a year's time of the completion of the Chief Joseph Project, an additional
13 sites in the Wells Reservoir were excavated by a consortium including
Central Washington University, Washington State University, and University
of Washington. These sites were located near the confluence of the Okanogan
River and the Columbia River. Although methods differed, these two projects
produced a data set of 31 excavated sites in the same general region.
The fourth and most recent project was performed by INFOTEC, Inc, along
a pipeline expansion route that ran through California, central Oregon,
eastern Washington, and northern Idaho. The Oregon data in particular
have been extremely important. This is not to suggest that there have
no been other projects, including surveys and excavations of single
and multiple sites to have made major contributions to Plateau archaeology.
There have been, many of high caliber. Among these are a series of excavations
and surveys across the Plateau accomplished by Eastern Washington University.
However, these four data sets are the major, large blocks of data to
which everyone has recourse.
The focus of early work on the Plateau (beginning in
the 1940s through the end of the 1960s) was on establishing the time
depth of human occupation of the Plateau, and when the "Plateau
Pattern" the archaeological manifestation of the ethnographic
reconstruction (Ray 1939) of Plateau culture began. After the
1960s, research shifted away from explicitly historical questions and
focused much more heavily on questions about the evolution of hunter-gatherer
adaptations, in line with broader changes in the discipline. What is
important here, however, is that neither approach produced data that
lend themselves to an inquiry such as this one. The earlier work depended
primarily on looking for artifacts thought to indicate the Plateau Pattern.
These included pithouses and some artifact types. However, these were
treated as "indicator fossils." Only one was needed to document
the pattern. Thus, there was not as much concern with quantification
as we now think basic, nor was there much interest in artifacts not
thought to be culturally sensitive. For example, Nelson (1966), in his
report on the Tucannon site, only lists ground stone tools generally,
and does not give counts. The later, hunter-gatherer oriented work,
was little interested in historical relationships and so the taxonomic
and stylistic studies of artifacts, which might yield such data, did
not occur.
One last issue to be touched on here is simply the availability
of the database. As someone who has a final report awaiting completion
now going on 17 years, I cannot complain too loudly. I would merely
support Lyman's point (Lyman 1985b, 1997) that the literature of the
Plateau is very difficult to get, because so much of it is published
(or not) in limited distribution reports, or in venues which are obscure,
or difficult to even to find out about. Therefore, this study is limited
by our success in tracking reports down rapidly, and getting them from
the SHPO libraries or interlibrary loans. In many cases, we could not
locate reports.
Archaeological
Background
Introduction
The known archaeological record
for the southern Columbia Plateau spans a period of perhaps 13,500 calendar
years. Archaeologists have approached this record over the past 50 years
or more from a variety of theoretical standpoints and basic assumptions.
During that time, they constructed a number of cultural chronologies
for the Plateau, most specific to a particular site, reservoir, or sub-drainage.
There is no single, unifying sequence (but see Chatters and Pokotylo
1998). This in part reflects the piecemeal nature of archaeological
research on the Plateau, but also the considerable archaeological and
environmental variability across the region. In any case, it is far
beyond the scope of this study to review these sequences in detail.
A recent synthesis of sequences for the Southern Plateau (Ames et al.
1998) is summarized in Figure
5 and a somewhat more detailed synthesis (Galm et al. 1981) is presented
in Figure 6.
It is important to understand that these phases and
periods were often developed using very different methodologies and
samples. For example, the construction of the Lower Snake River sequence
was based on quite explicit typological procedures (Leonhardy and D.
Rice 1970, D. Rice 1972, Bense 1972) that included, among other things,
not using archaeological assemblages that were thought to represent
mixes of assemblages from different phases. This had the effect of eliminating
potential temporal and spatial variability. Additionally, the phases
were defined based on geological context, and the presence and absence
of certain artifacts (e.g. Cascade points), lithic technology, and other
attributes. In contrast, the phases for the Chief Joseph Reservoir sequence
(Kartar, Hudnut, Coyote Creek) in the South-central Plateau were defined,
at least in part, on the basis of breaks in the distributions of radiocarbon
dates (Salo 1985). A sequence proposed by Schalk and Cleveland (1983)
was based entirely on subsistence and mobility strategies.
Despite this variation in sequences, workers on the
Plateau generally see three broad periods. The divisions between the
periods may be placed at somewhat different times (e.g. Figure
5) depending on the scope of the sequence (in Figure
5, the Chatters and Pokotylo sequence is for the entire Plateau,
while the Ames et al. sequence is only for the Southern Plateau), and
the interests of the researcher.
A Summary
Chronology (based on Ames et al. 1998, Figure
5)
Period I (11,500 BC to
5000/4400 BC):
This period is divided into a Period IA and IB. IA is Clovis2,
which is weakly represented and outside the temporal parameters of this
study. Subperiod IB was described as being "post-Clovis" although
more recent evidence discussed below suggests that the earliest IB cultures
of the region may be contemporary with Clovis. This period is discussed
in greater detail in Section 3.
Some of the characteristics of the period are:
- Very low population densities;
- High levels of mobility;
- Subsistence orientation emphasizing relatively mesic
environments;
- Early artifact assemblages (pre7000 BC) marked
by the presence of stemmed and shouldered lanceolate projectile points.
These points display:
- Wide bases relative to blade size;
- Edge grinding of the stems;
- Highly variable blade shape because of resharpening
and reworking;
- Later assemblages (post7000 BC) are dominated
by foliate, or leaf shaped points (Cascade points), although these
forms were present in small numbers earlier;
- Lithic assemblages dominated by cherts;
- During the later portions of the period, tool stone
sometimes includes significant frequencies of finegrained basalts;
- Lithic reduction includes manufacture of macroblades
and flakes from prepared cores;
- Lithic technology during later portions of the period
includes some instances of the Levallois prepared core technique;
- The presence of burins;
- A bone tool technology that includes small bone needles
and antler wedges, as well as barbed points;
- Fishing gear includes very rare net weights;
- The presence of "bola" stones, small, girdled
pebbles that some (e.g. Carlson 1996) suggest might be a form of netweight;
- Hunting of a range of large (including bison) and
medium (including rabbits) mammals; some evidence for salmon fishing,
no evidence for storage;
- Plant exploitation is suggested by the presence of
small milling and hand stones, and, particularly after c.7000 BC,
edge ground cobbles;
- Evidence for temporary shelters, including windbreaks
and huts;
- After the Mazama ash fall, assemblages contain large
sidenotched projectile points (Northern Side Notched) that predate
the ash fall in sites to the south;
- After the Mazama ash fall, some assemblages in the
South-central Plateau contain microblades and microblade cores. Assemblages
elsewhere in the southern Plateau do not;
- At some time during this period, the central Columbia
Basin was abandoned.
Period II (5000/4400 1900 BC):
Ames et al. (1998) note in that in some portions of the Southern Plateau,
particularly the southwest, this period differs little from the preceding
Period I. However, in other areas, there is considerable change:
- Pithouses are present in the Southeastern and Southcentral
Plateau by c. 4000 BC, if not earlier;
- These structures occur both in the river canyons
and the southern uplands;
- The houses are associated with substantial deposits,
indicating rather long periods of occupation;
- Mortars and pestles are present, some are massive
in size. They are sometimes present in large numbers;
- Projectile points include a variety of stemmed, and
corner and side-notched forms;
- Chipped stone technology sometimes lacks the investment
of time and skill evident in previous periods; reduction techniques
are opportunistic, although bifacial cores occur;
- There is a variety of wellmade bone tools,
including large needles and leister parts.
- Decorated bone objects are present;
- Mobility strategies associated with these structures
are not clear and subject to debate;
- There is no obvious evidence for storage;
- While a range of mammals was taken, mediumsized
mammals (e.g. rabbits) were not. The degree to which the subsistence
economy focused on fish and/or roots is a matter of debate. What seems
clear is that subsistence was significantly different than during
previous periods.
- Settlements seem to have been small, with few contemporaneous
houses.
- There appears to have been sporadic use of the central
Basin. Upland areas were used for a wide range of activities.
- By the end of the period, there appears to have been
a brief but virtual cessation in the construction of pithouses across
the region.
- Presence of the Western Idaho Burial Complex in the
far Southeastern Plateau and perhaps in other areas.
Period III (1900 BC AD 1720):
This period is marked by a number of changes:
- The widespread presence of pithouses (which had virtually
disappeared before the end of Period II), with increased variation
in size;
- The apparent appearance of mat lodges after AD 500;
- Intensive exploitation of camas and probably other
roots;
- Collector mobility strategies that show continuity
into the Historic Period;
- Large settlements, and concentrations of houses after
AD 500;
- Ubiquitous evidence for fishing, particularly with
nets;
- Widespread evidence for storage, including storage
pits and storage caves;
- Evidence for intensive use of salmon;
- Evidence for increased populations;
- Use of the central Columbia Basin, and expanded use
of other portions of the Plateau;
- Presence of basketry, fiber, and wood artifacts in
the record;
- Small projectile points indicate the presence of
the bow and arrow. However, atlatls continue in use for a considerable
period, until about AD 1000;
- Appearance of cemeteries associated with house pit
villages at c. 500 BC (and the disappearance of the Western Idaho
Burial Complex).
Modern Period (c. AD 1720 present):
This is not a period used in most previous discussions of Plateau prehistory
(but see Ames 1991, Ames and Maschner 1999). The Modern Period extends
from the appearance of the horse to the present. It is divided into
two subperiods: the Early Modern, which spans the time from the appearance
of the horse (c. AD 1720) to the establishment of reservations (c. 1850),
and the Late Modern, which extends from the beginning of the reservation
era to the present day. Characteristics of the Early Modern period are
discussed below in the section entitled "Archaeology of the Early
Modern Period."
Discussion
Much of this sequence is discussed
in detail in the sections that follow. Here I briefly review some of
the broader, cultural historical frameworks that have been proposed
to explain the Plateau's archaeological record. I also will point out
a few places where archaeologists have seen continuities, discontinuities
and gaps in the record, so as to keep them in mind as we review that
record.
The Intermontane Western Tradition (Daughtery 1962)
Daugherty presented a model of cultural development for interior western
North America (between the Rocky Mountains and the Sierra NevadaCascades)
that postulated a Desert Culturelike (Jennings 1957) basal culture
for the region's initial inhabitants. Subsequent culture changes were
gradual and proceeded as traits were added or subtracted from the repertoire.
As time passed, the basal culture gradually differentiated into the
cultures of the Plateau, Great Basin, and Southwest in response to environmental
differences and the influences of adjacent culture areas. Daugherty
saw no discontinuities in this record.
The Old Cordilleran Culture (B. R. Butler 1961, 1962,
1965)
B. R. Butler postulated that the Pacific Northwest was initially occupied
by a cultural tradition whose subsistence focus was on the foothill/mountain
region (Cascades), hence the name "Old Cordilleran." The type
artifact was the foliate Cascade point. He subsequently added edgeground
cobbles to the original definition. As originally defined, the Old Cordilleran
extended into northern South America, but later discussions effectively
limited it to the Pacific Northwest. B. R. Butler was not concerned
with how the Old Cordilleran was related to subsequent or the Early
Modern cultures in the region. A number of workers have recently started
applying the term to a variety of early cultures which are marked by
the presence of a range of foliateshaped points and bifaces, bone
tools, and a generalized hunter-gatherer subsistence base (e.g. Bense
1972, Matson and Coupland 1995, Dixon 1999). Daugherty (1962) saw it
as an area co-tradition with the Intermontane Western Tradition that
was supplanted or absorbed by the latter.
"The Emergence of the Plateau Pattern"
(Swanson 1962a, Nelson 1969, 1973; Smith 1977)
Swanson postulated that Plateau culture, as described by Ray (1939)
did not emerge until AD 1300 or so, having been preceded by what he
described as a foresthunting culture. The emergence of Plateau
culture was fueled by "a quickening pulse" which included
increased trade and contacts with the coast and by climate change. His
thinking stressed the differences between the preceding forest hunting
culture and Plateau culture. Nelson refined and reworked Swanson's ideas,
using Nelson's excavations of the Sunset Creek site. Nelson postulated
that the key event in the development of Plateau culture, which he dated
to about AD 1, with the beginning of his Cayuse phase (Figure
6), was the expansion of Salish speakers from the southern Northwest
Coast across the Cascades to their present position straddling the international
boundary (Nelson 1973). While the evidentiary basis for Nelson's hypothesis
(the relatively older ages of pithouses in British Columbia than on
the southern Plateau) has been refuted, his Salishexpansion hypothesis
has been recently revived on other grounds by Smith (1977). His evidence
will be reviewed below.
"The View from Wenas" (Warren 1968)
Warren described Plateau prehistory as a series of patterns which evolved
one into the other, based on the direction from which cultural influences
flowed into the Plateau. His theory, then, was essentially diffusionist,
in which the influences of other regions spread into the Plateau, and
either mixed with, or replaced the traits of preceding periods. His
model has had little impact, except that Browman and Munsell (1969)
combined it with Daugherty's Intermontane Tradition to produce the only
synthesis of Plateau archaeology to be published, until recently, in
a venue of wide distribution. Browman and Munsell's formulation of Plateau
culture history has also had virtually no subsequent effect on the region.
It was published at a time when the interests of archaeologists were
shifting from traditional culture history to more processual forms of
archaeology, and only one year before the publication of Leonhardy and
D. Rice 's sequence for the Lower Snake (Leonhardy and D. Rice 1970)
that almost by default became the master sequence for the southern Plateau
for many years.
The Lower Snake River Sequence (Leonhardy and D.
Rice 1970) (Figures 5 & 6)
The Lower Snake River sequence developed by Leonhardy and D. Rice included
the Snake River between its confluence with the Clearwater River and
its confluence with the Columbia River. The sequence covers the entire
known chronology for that region, and it is still the only sequence
for the southern Columbia Plateau that spans the entire Holocene. After
its initial publication, a number of doctoral dissertations and master's
theses have been done to examine particular phases in detail, and to
flesh out the sequence (Leonhardy 1970, D. Rice 1972, Bense 1972, Kennedy
1976, Brauner 1976, Hammatt 1976, Yent 1976, Lucas 1994, Harder 1998).
Sappington (1994) essentially extended the sequence up the Clearwater,
with some modifications, and workers in Hells Canyon (e.g. Reid 1991a)
have used it as a master sequence.
The chronology was derived from Daugherty's Intermontane
Western Tradition, but with some modifications. Leonhardy and D. Rice
(1970) divided their sequence into three traditions: the Pioneer (including
Windust [11,000 7000 BC]3
and Cascade [7000 4500 BC] phases), the Initial Snake River (Tucannon
phase [4500 500 BC]), and the Snake River (Harder [500 BC
AD 1000], Piqunnin [ AD 1000 1720] phases). Their Ethnographic
Tradition (Numipu phase) was a continuation of the Snake River tradition.
They saw a break between the Pioneer and Initial Snake River traditions.
This break was marked by:
- A change in lithic technology, with a decline in
quality in Tucannon times;
- A shift away from the use of basalt as tool stone;
- The appearance of a range of small stemmed and large
side and corner notched points and other developments.
They saw cultural continuity from the Harder (500 BC
AD 1000) phase on. In fact, after their initial proposal, they
subsequently suggested that the Piqunnin phase (AD 1000 1720)
be dropped (Leonhardy and D. Rice 1980) because they saw no significant
changes from c. AD 500 to the appearance of the horse. The Early Modern
Numipu phase (post AD 1720) was essentially Harder phase people
with the horse: i.e. Nez Perce. Considerable subsequent work (Kennedy
1976, Ames 1984, Lucas, 1994) has focused on the Tucannon phase (4500
500 BC), since it was, and remains, the fuzziest of these phases.
Recent Cultural Historical Frameworks: Carlson (e.g.
1983,1996,1998)
More recently, Carlson has argued that the Pacific Northwest, including
the Plateau and the Northwest Coast, were initially occupied by three
different cultural traditions: the Microblade Tradition on the northern
Northwest Coast, the Stemmed Point tradition on the Plateau (Lind Coulee/Windust)
and the Pebble Tool tradition. An earlier Fluted Point tradition (Clovis)
may also have been present. These traditions are seen as distinct before
7000 years ago, though some sites have overlapping characteristics of
both. Of interest here is that the Pebble Tool tradition includes what
B. R Butler (1961). called Old Cordilleran, and includes foliate points
and bifaces, cobble tools and net weights. It is thus what workers on
the Plateau call Cascade. His division of the early materials from the
interior into a pebble tool tradition and the stemmed point tradition
would imply different origins for Windust and for Cascade. Dixon (1999)
provides a somewhat different organization of these materials.
Recent Settlement and Subsistence models
Schalk and Cleveland (1983) presented a sequence of what they termed
hunter-gatherer land use strategies in the Pacific Northwest. They recognized
three periods, based on land-use practices and subsistence activities:
broadspectrum foraging, semisedentary foraging, and equestrian
foragers. The first spans the period from the earliest occupants to
the appearance of pit houses, the second from the earliest pit houses
until the introduction of the horse, and the last, the post-horse period
until the reservation period. Although Reid (1991a) has questioned the
utility of these broad periods, this represents the first attempt to
order Plateau archaeology on some basis other than temporally sensitive
artifacts and perceived similarity to the "Plateau Pattern."
Chatters (1995) has developed a second such model, and it is the most
germane here. Both Chatters (1989, 1995) and Ames (1988a, 1991) have
observed that there were gaps in the radiocarbon dates for pit houses
on the Plateau, particularly between 2400 B.C. and 1600 B.C. There are
a very few dated houses in this period, but far fewer than previously
or subsequently. There are also contrasts in house form, size, variability
and associated mobility patterns before and after those dates. Chatters
(1989) proposed that these differences reflect the establishment of
a form of sedentism around 3000 B.C. marked by the presence of pithouses
(Pithouse 1). This pattern lasted until about 2400 B.C. when it was
widely abandoned (both events results of climate changes). A different
form of sedentism (Pithouse 2), accompanied by collector mobility strategies
was established around c. 1600 B.C., a pattern that then lasted with
some changes until contact. Ames (1991) suggests more fluctuations in
mobility patterns over the past several thousand years than does Chatters.
In any case, Chatters posits three abrupt, region-wide shifts in settlement
patterns between 3000 B.C. and 1600 B.C.
Discussion
Different researchers have seen different patterns in the region's archaeological
record. However, what emerges from the summary chronology and the review
of cultural-historical frameworks is a series of general issues that
need to be addressed in this report:
- Relationship of Cascade to earlier/subsequent manifestations;
- Relationship of Tucannon to earlier and later manifestations;
- Change to Pithouse 1 and to Pithouse 2;
- Microblades in Southcentral Plateau;
- Evidence for warfare and conflict (Smith 1977/Chatters
1988);
- Possibilities of abrupt subsistence changes;
- Changes in material culture (shifting projectile
point styles, disappearance of edge-ground cobbles, appearance of
large grinding tools, etc.).
This list is not exhaustive, and other shifts need to
be addressed. However, these do provide a framework within which to
examine the record. The next section also is intended to provide a framework
for this study, but instead of looking specifically at the Plateau,
issues of continuity/discontinuity and gaps in the record are addressed
more generally.

1Campbell 1991 is particularly
useful for this study.
2Recently, several researchers, including
Grayson (1993), Beck and Jones (1997) and Dixon (1999) have applied
the term "Western Fluted" to materials west of the Rocky Mountains
that has previously been termed Clovis. In the Northwest, the materials
recovered from the Wenatchee (or Richey-Roberts) cache appear to be
classic Clovis, while the Dietz site materials from southcentral Oregon
would be termed Western Fluted.
3Nonarchaeologist readers of the final
rough draft of this report found it difficult to keep track of all the
phases names and their ages. Therefore, phase names will be followed
by their age range throughout the rest of the report. The age ranges
are those used in Figure 5,
which are based on calibrated dates.
Kennewick
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index
Introduction
The
Southern (Columbia) Plateau: Background
Introduction
Environments (cf.
Chatters 1998 and References)
Anthropology and
Archeological Research
Issues and Problems
"Earlier Group"
Archaeology of the
Early Modern Period: The Other End of the Sequence
Review of the Archaeological
Record: Continuities, Discontinuities, and Gaps
Conclusions
Bibliography
List of Figures
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