Special History:
The Environment and the Fur Trade Experience in
Voyageurs National Park, 1730-1870

Chapter Four
The Natural Environment in the Fur Trade Era (continued)

Fauna

Fur traders took more than a passing interest in the wild animals of the Rainy Lake Region, for virtually every species of mammal, bird, or fish constituted an economic resource, a potential source of food, or both. Personal diaries and post journals are filled with references to large and small mammals, birds, and fish. Most travel accounts in the Rainy Lake Region display a naturalist's interest in inventorying and cataloguing the wildlife. These historical sources, however, rarely mention reptiles, amphibians, or insects–with the notable exception of mosquitoes.

Observations of fauna in the fur trade era may be grouped into three sets of data. First, fur traders and explorers described the diversity of species they encountered in the Rainy Lake Region. Second, they commented on the relative abundance of different species. Sometimes they observed population trends, but more often they simply commented that a species was abundant or scarce. The abundance or scarcity of particular species may also be inferred from records of fur returns, although fur returns may not be reliable indicators of abundance or scarcity for reasons that will be explained below. Third, fur traders occasionally described ecological relationships affecting animal populations.

The earliest source containing very much data on the diversity of wildlife in the Rainy Lake Region is the Hudson's Bay Company post journal of John McKay, which begins in 1793 and continues through 1797. It must be noted, however, that McKay described the wildlife he and his men observed from their base at Ash House where the Rainy River enters Lake of the Woods. During their first hungry winter of 1793-94, McKay's hunters bagged rabbits, deer, and moose. Once McKay traded with an Indian for a "cat" (probably a lynx). On another occasion, he reported that wolves had stolen some 200 pounds of venison. In the spring of 1796, the men consumed quail, ducks, and geese. Other entries mention porcupine and otter. McKay recorded the returns for the Lac La Pluie District for that year as follows: 588 beaver, 49 bear, 61 cat, 30 fisher, 30 marten, 25 mink, 651 muskrat, 10 moose, 72 otter, and 20 ground squirrels and skunks.

Keating describes the animal life From Rainy Lake to Lake Superior we did not meet with a single quadruped. The only animals we saw were about thirty or forty birds, chiefly ducks. Among the birds observed were the Canada jay, blue jay, hairy woodpecker, Indian hen, golden plover, and woodcock. We killed five pheasants on the 7th of September; on the 4th we heard, near Rainy Lake, the notes of the whip-poor-will. A rail was also seen, but it disappeared too soon to enable Mr. Say to determine the species. —William H. Keating, Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peter's River, p. 143.

Various accounts in the 1800s provide data on animals that were most abundant in the region. Dr. John McLoughlin described the fauna in a manuscript titled "The Indians from Fort William to Lake of the Woods." The manuscript is undated and could have been written any time between 1804 and 1823. McLoughlin listed 15 species of mammals: moose, elk, caribou, wolf, wolverine, fisher, lynx, marten, bear, fox, hare, beaver, muskrat, otter, and mink. He noted five species of birds that could be seen all year: raven, owl, magpie, partridge, and pheasant. Migratory bird species included "the eagle, crow, bustard, several species of ducks, loon, white and gray goose, and water hen." In 1823, William H. Keating noted three species of birds near Rainy Lake House: the ruby-throated hummingbird, black-headed titmouse, and pileated woodpecker. That same year, Stephen H. Long noted the animals that were most abundant along the lower Rainy River and its tributaries as follows: beaver, otter, muskrat, marten, fisher, Canadian lynx, wolverine, bear, and moose. Less common were the caribou, porcupine, fox, squirrel, and weasel.

One of the best early sources on wildlife diversity is the Hudson Bay Company trader John Cameron, whose district reports for the Lac La Pluie District in the 1820s provide considerable information. In 1825, Cameron listed waterfowl he had seen, including "bustards" (probably Canada geese), ducks, teals, and "divers," an occasional swan, "White & grey Geese" (which he observed flying over but seldom lighting) and loons. Other birds included "Grey Eagle, the White Tailed Eagle, Vultures, Owls, Hawks, Cranes, Bitterns, Blackbirds, Robins Woodcock & hen, Wood Peckers, Kingfisher, Nightingale," grouse (commonly referred to as "pheasant," and "Two or three Kind of Partridges." In 1827, Cameron listed the moose, reindeer (caribou), beaver, marten, otter, mink, muskrat, and fisher. Cameron also sprinkled his district reports and post journals with observations about what would now be termed animal ecology, such as the relationship between high water and muskrat numbers.

One of the latest inventories of wildlife made during the fur trade era was that of Henry Youle Hind in the winter of 1857. Hind provides some context for his observations:

The scarcity of animal life at this season of the year on the canoe route has several times been remarked by travelers. It is probable that the noise inseparable from the passage of several canoes through the lakes and rivers would drive away the game into the interior, but their tracks would be seen if they existed in large numbers. On the Kaministiquia the following animals or their fresh tracks were seen: Of quadrupeds: Cariboos, bears, foxes, hares, minks, otters, squirrels, muskrats, and fieldmice. Of birds: eagles, hawks, ducks, pigeons, plover (two varieties), sandpipers, cherry birds, loons, partridges (two varieties), jays, magpies, blackcaps, nighthawks, Canadian nightingales, swallows, humming birds, kingfishers, and owls.

Many other inventories of wildlife can be found in the historical record. Although it would be possible to compile these data and compare them over time, the results would not be entirely reliable. For example, Lac La Pluie District reports represent the observations of fur traders over the course of a complete year, while explorers' accounts reflect the observations in a particular season and along a linear path through the region. These inventories do provide a strong indication of the presence of various species in certain locations. The Fort Frances post journal reports that a "reindeer" (caribou) was killed not very far from the fort in 1837. Hind's report indicates the occurrence of caribou in the region in 1857. Similarly, Duncan Graham reported to Lord Selkirk in 1816 that bison were present the year round in the vicinity of the Red River settlement. Data such as these offer solid evidence of specific aspects of historical wildlife conditions that may be in doubt.

The second type of data that may be gleaned from historical documents of the fur trade era consists of notes on the relative abundance or scarcity of particular species. Simon M'Gillivray stated in the Lac La Pluie District report for 1825 that beaver and otter were most plentiful on the northeast side of the district, while muskrat, marten, and black bear abounded on the southwest side of the district. There are accounts of vast numbers of birds. Friedrich von Graffenreid described a hunting trip to Black Bay in April 1817 in which he observed "uncountable wild geese" and bagged "an unbelievable number." Nicholas Garry, in 1821, found the Dog River area "full of wild pigeons," as well as "a great quantity of geese, ducks and loons." John J. Bigsby claimed that on the Rainy River in autumn "the gun will bring down a score of pigeons, a wild duck, or a swan."

Nineteenth century naturalist drawing of a beaver

Data on the scarcity of animals, although less common, also can be found in the historical record. In 1823, John McLoughlin stated that there were no marten and that the number of beaver had been diminishing in the district for some time. That same year, William Keating observed some remains of beaver dams near Rainy Lake House, but noted that the animal had been hunted out in that vicinity. In 1825, John Cameron stated his opinion that there were no raccoons in the Rainy Lake Region; the few raccoon skins that had been traded there were brought from the Fond du Lac Department. In 1830, John Cameron noted that he had never seen such a "complete failure" of muskrats. The Fort Frances post journal states that marten are again "scarce" in 1838, with half as many killed as in the previous year.

The Hudson's Bay Company post journals typically conclude with a list of "returns," or numbers of fur-bearing animals harvested. These data have been used to provide some sense of the relative abundance or scarcity of different species from region to region and over time. However, they must be used with care. As historian Jeanne Kay notes in her analysis of wildlife depletion during the fur trade era in Wisconsin, Hudson's Bay Company fur trade returns are not necessarily a good indicator of abundance or scarcity. Other factors, such as competition from other traders or diminished effort to hunt on the part of Indians could account for decreases in a given post's returns. Indeed, traders seldom attributed declining returns to wildlife depletion.

In some cases, information from one period may be compared with information from a later period in order to discern population trends. Jonathan Carver, who traveled through the region in the 1760s, recalled afterward that moose and caribou occurred in the Rainy Lake region "in great plenty." Some sixty years later, John Cameron stated in his district report for 1825-1826 that moose were "formerly very numerous" in the district, but now only occurred toward the plains. He added that caribou were also formerly numerous but now scarce. One might conclude that there was a perceptible decline in the numbers of moose and caribou from Carver's time to Cameron's time. However, Cameron may have been referring to much more immediate population trends. He also wrote, "In Spring 1824 the Indians Killed a great number [of moose]. But this year, the Same Indians, in the Same places, are almost starving to death."

Occasionally, population cycles can be seen in the records of the fur trade. In 1835, the rabbit population exploded around Rainy Lake House. They were observed everywhere and were even coming into the fort and the bastions. In one week, the men snared 200 of them. Apparently this population peak for rabbits was soon followed by a population peak for lynx, as 87 lynx were reported in the post returns for 1837 and 200 lynx were reported in 1838.

The third type of data may be termed ecological. These consist of notes about ecological relationships that fur traders either observed for themselves or learned from Indians. For example, Indians informed the fur trader John Cameron that a sudden freeze-up in winter would cause a precipitous decline in the numbers of muskrat. As ice formed on the rivers and lakes, water levels would fall, subjecting muskrats to heavy predation. Cameron also observed that "great numbers of animals perish from high waters," and that bear apparently migrated "to more favorable climes when berries fail." Similarly, Indians informed the trader John McLoughlin that when water levels were high immature marten would drown; thus the numbers of marten would decline precipitously in those years with unusually wet spring and summer weather. This accounted for the fact that "Martens are Some years very scarce and some years very numerous."

By the 1820s, muskrats were a major source of returns for the fur trading companies in the Rainy Lake Region. According to McLoughlin, muskrats were prolific breeders, producing three litters of six to ten young per litter each summer. The Ojibwe preferred to hunt muskrats in the fall when water levels were low but before the muskrat population was subjected to a large winter die off. They hunted the muskrats in their lodges, and when they hunted in winter they frequently found them frozen to death, McLoughlin noted. More muskrats died as a result of winter die off, McLoughlin stated, than were killed by the natives. In April 1825, an Ojibwe by the name of the Grand Coquin informed John Cameron that most of the muskrat population was wiped out in the preceding winter; the muskrat lodges were filled with carcasses.

No animal received more attention than the beaver. It was the most economically significant furbearer in the Rainy Lake Region. Today, natural resource managers recognize the beaver as the most ecologically significant animal in the Rainy Lake Region due to its propensity for building dams and altering the hydrology of the aquatic landscape. Beaver dams decrease flow rate of streams, and increase water depth and surface area with their impoundments. Moreover, by felling trees, beaver effectively browse on the forest canopy as well as the vegetation within their reach on the ground, thereby having a greater impact on biomass than any other herbivore. One modern study of beaver on the Kabetogama Peninsula in Voyageurs National Park found that beaver create patches of altered vegetation. There is no evidence that Indians or European grasped the ecological importance of the beaver in the fur trade era, but they did put forward theories about the population increases and decreases of this important animal. Again, John Cameron provides the best example of a keen observer in this era. In the lengthy excerpt from his district report that follows, Cameron is critical of the Hudson's Bay Company's efforts to implement conservation measures to protect the beaver from over harvest and offers his own explanation for the beaver's decline.

Beavers. These truly valuable Animals are becoming almost extinct. My first year in the Indian Country the late N.W.Cy. took from the Red River alone three Hundred Packs of Beaver of 90 # each, besides one hundred more at least which was traded by other Companies then trading in Red River– The Same department at present, does not produce ten Packs. In this Department they are very much decreased. South of the Boundary Line, few or none are to be found. To the northward where the Country is much more rocky– the industrious and diligent Hunter Still finds a few. It is a favourite object with our Governor & Council to discourage the hunting of Beaver in Summer as much as possible, which no doubt is very proper: but then, Traders should be extremely cautious in their mode of discouraging the Indians. Should they hold out threats or tell the Indians that they will not receive Summer Beaver Skins. The Indian will then, Kill, Singe & roast his Beaver and after his repast (which all Indians considers the most delicious they can make) whilst in the art of anointing his head with the Oil and licking his chops; Set up a horse–Laugh at the threats & advices of the Whites. We may adopt as many plans as we please to prevent Summer hunting– all will prove Abortive: for there is not an Indian when he sees an Animal, whether he is in want or not; but will let fly a shot at it. We have however a few Indians who would willingly refrain from Killing their Beaver in Summer; were not their lands Open, not only to Indians of this Department, but to Indians of the Neighbouring departments of the southern District: and who grievously laments the impossibility of making a fair Division of their Lands. Many Indians have no hunting grounds which they Can Call their own, they therefore go about poaching on the Grounds of others, hence those who have Beavers Kills them at all Seasons, rather than they should fall into the hands of those roaming Poachers. Beaver like other Small animals are liable to accidents & misfortunes, their greatest Enemy, I believe is fire. I am convinced nothing tended more to the Sudden decrease of Beaver which took place in the beginning of the present Century as the great fires ["wh" is lined out] during the two dry Summers of 1803/4 when the whole Country almost from one extremity to the other was in a Continual blaze and stopt only by the Snows of Autumn. Wolverines are also their enemies. A wolverine will break open a Beaver lodge in the middle of winter and destroy every Beaver within They are destroyed, perhaps, by other causes which are unknown– No doubt they have their Fevers and their Plagues. I recollect when I wintered in Severn River, having heard an Indian Say, that he found five Beaver dead in one lodge, which could not have proceeded from want of food or water as they appeared to have a good stock– Moreover the Indian assured me he had found them fat– therefore their distemper whatever it was, could not have been of long duration.

Ecological information must be evaluated within the context of the era. Although contemporary observers might have drawn erroneous conclusions, they still recorded information that can be reinterpreted in light of modern science. Historical sources also contain the occasional direct observation of a predator-prey relationship or some other kind of ecological factor. One of the men in Bigsby's party in 1823 came upon a bear sitting upon its haunches in some unidentified stream near the east end of Rainy Lake. As the man watched, every now and then the bear landed a fish on the bank by striking the water sharply with its paw. Bigsby also described in graphic detail how his party hunted, killed, and ate a bear:

What I took to be an old hat floating in a wide expanse of water was declared to be a bear. Bears swim low. Both canoes made for him as fast as we could paddle, and we soon came up with poor Bruin.

Our astronomer took his stand at the bow, and quietly discharged his piece into his neck. The animal gave a loud howl, and rolled about in the bloody water violently, while we struck at him with poles and an axe. So great was the hubbub that I thought we should all have been drowned, for a small birch canoe is the last place to make war in; but the bear being soon stunned and quiet, a voyageur laid hold of him by the neck, and we slowly drew him to the shore.

When on dry land, and the water had run off a little, the bear suddenly revived, stood up and showed fight, but he was so weakened by loss of blood that a few more blows on the head laid him low for ever. He was skinned that evening, and we made three good meals of him. Fresh meat is a luxury those only can estimate who have been living on salt provisions for some time in hot, steaming woods.

This account of killing and eating a bear serves as a reminder that Indians and Europeans were participants as well as observers of wildlife ecology during the fur trade era. The bear's vulnerability to human predation while swimming across the lake is an ecological factor that largely disappeared in the twentieth century.

Table of Contents | Introduction | Rainy Lake Region | Fur Trade Experience | Material Culture | Natural Environment | Bibliography