Chapter 4
The Rise and Decline of Ecological
Attitudes, 19291940 (continued)
Predators
Park Service leadership in the 1930s still harbored antipathy toward
large native predatorsa serious matter to the wildlife biologists,
who wanted them protected. Again, the Service's actions in this regard
exposed internal disagreements over policy and underscored difficulties
that the biologists faced in seeking to change traditional practices.
Already by 1931, when Director Albright announced the policy of limiting
predator control to what was absolutely necessary, wolves and cougars
had been virtually eradicated from all national parks in the forty-eight
states.
The new predator policy had only limited effectiveness. Of the
triumvirate of carnivores most targeted for reduction by the Park
Service in past decades (wolves, cougars, and coyotes), only the coyote
remained in substantial numbers, except that the Alaska parks had
populations of wolves. Despite the new predator policies, coyotes
continued to be hunted during most of the decade, mainly on an
occasional basis; and limited control of wolves was undertaken in the
Alaska parks. [86]
Indeed, the 1931 predator policy itself reflected long-standing bias
against the coyote. Instead of a flat prohibition, the policy stated
that there would be "no widespread campaign" against predators, and that
"coyotes and other predators" would be shot only when they endangered
other species. Thus, the policy did not totally eliminate predator
control; rather, it only restricted control to no "widespread"
campaigns. And it specifically identified the coyote as a potential
targetthe only species so designated. Moreover, at the 1932
superintendents conference, a lengthy discussion of predator policy
focused mainly on how to deal with coyotes. The consensus was that
coyotes were to be subject to "local control," and that reducing this
species would be a matter of each superintendent's discretion. In fact,
two biologists in attendance, Joseph Dixon and Harold Bryant, conceded
that coyote reduction might at times be necessary. []
By far the strongest support for coyote control came from park
management circles. Horace Albright wanted to kill coyotes when they did
damage to "more useful species." He particularly feared that antelope
populations were threatened, and that without the current "intensive"
control of coyotes there would soon be no antelope in Yellowstone. Roger
Toll, Yellowstone's superintendent, concurred, asserting that a herd of
antelope and deer was "more valuable than a herd of coyotes." He stated
that it was not predators, but elk, deer, and antelope that were "the
type of animal the park was for." [88]
With support from leaders such as Albright and Toll, "wholesale
coyote killing" (in the words of a Park Service report) continued in
Yellowstone until the fall of 1933. Earlier that year, in Fauna No. 1,
George Wright's team of wildlife biologists had declared a more
restrictive predator policy than before, which may have been a factor in
easing Yellowstone's aggressive coyote control. As stated in Fauna No.
1, predators were to be "special charges" of the Park Service and would
be killed only when the prey species was "in immediate danger of
extermination," and then only if the predator species itself was not
endangered. [89]
In truth, the 1930s did witness a decline in the killing of coyotes.
Under the guidance of Sequoia superintendent John White, biologist
Harold Bryant, and especially George Wright, the Service began to rely
on "increased scientific data rather than ancestral prejudice" to
address the predator issue. In November 1934 Director Cammerer issued a
prohibition of all predator control unless written authority was
obtained from his office. Yet the following year, in Fauna No. 2, Wright
and Ben Thompson acknowledged that coyote management was still
controversial. They defined Park Service policy as allowing "judicious
control of coyotes" to be undertaken in any park with the necessary
authorization from Washington. [90]
Ongoing coyote control demonstrated that these predators were still
not true "special charges" of the Park Service. Particularly in
Yellowstone, pressure to reduce coyote populations continued, although
it apparently diminished after 1933. A matter-of-fact report in March
1935 revealed a cavalier attitude toward eliminating coyotes, as one
ranger described how he spied a pair of coyotes copulating "just at
daylight" near lower Slough Creek, then shot one of the animals dead.
[91] By contrast, some Yellowstone staff
doubted the wisdom of continued coyote control. Assistant Chief Ranger
Frank W. Childs recommended in April 1935 that the park suspend the
killing of coyotes for at least two years, with the intention of
carefully studying the resulting effect on prey populations. Childs and
others recognized the conflict between, on the one hand, efforts to
reduce elk populations, and on the other, killing predators that were
presumed to reduce the numbers of elk. He suggested that scientific
research might prove that ending coyote control permanently would be
best for the "general wildlife balance" in the park. [92] Despite such opinions, evidence indicates
that by 1937 interest in further coyote reduction had intensified. [93]
Demands for predator reduction in Yellowstone and other parks were
based on concern for the protection of the ungulate species, so that
they could be both enjoyed in the parks and hunted on adjacent lands.
Also, ranchers ranged livestock on nearby lands and wanted protection
from predators. Hunters and ranchers urged the Park Service to reduce or
entirely remove major carnivores from the parks. In effect, this stance
allied them with Albright and those in the Service opposing predators.
Others argued for a more cautious approach. In November 1935 Crater Lake
superintendent David H. Canfield responded to the Southern Oregon
Livestock Association's "sweeping condemnation" of predatory animals in
national parks. The association was particularly anxious about coyotes
in the vicinity of Lava Beds National Monument, a park under Canfield's
supervision. Canfield countered that the wildlife problems of the area
would be addressed through scientific research. Subsequent research in
Lava Beds supported protection, rather than control, of coyotes. [94]
Although not bold, the Service's official policy for protection of
predators motivated sportsmen's associations and other groups to oppose
initiatives for new national parks in the Kings Canyon area of
California and Olympic Mountains in Washington. As elsewhere, such
groups wanted predators eliminated to protect game species. Resentment
of Service policies led the California state legislature to petition
Congress to force strict predator reduction in the national
parksto no avail. [95] As viewed by
Joseph Grinnell, longtime opponent of predator control, this proposal
would have been a "calamity" to those "who see in national park
administration the last chance of saving [for] the future entire
species of certain animal groups." Putting predators in an
ecological context, Grinnell wrote to Director Cammerer about the need
to preserve the "biotic mosaic" of each park, including predators. The
Service should maintain the whole "biotic superorganism
uninjuredto the benefit of all its constituent species and
populations." [96]
In striking contrast to Grinnell, Horace Albright remained alarmed
about what effects the discontinuance of coyote control would have on
the grazing species, particularly antelope. His letters to Cammerer on
predators and antelope were plainly worded. In October 1937 Albright
deplored the ongoing, as yet inconclusive, studies of the coyote's
impact on Yellowstone's antelope population. He advocated "open war" on
coyotes for the purpose of studying stomach contents to determine the
extent to which coyotes fed on antelope. In fact, he urged reducing the
coyote population under almost any pretext, stating that in spite of
Park Service policy or the results of the studies of coyote stomachs, he
would "continue to kill coyotes on the antelope range for the reason
that the coyotes are of no possible advantage in that part of the park,
can rarely be seen by tourists . . . while on the other hand there will
always be danger of depleting the antelope herd. It must be remembered
that one of the animals most interesting to tourists is the antelope."
Albright also feared that, if protected, the coyotes would "over-run
adjacent country," causing conflict with land managers and owners
outside the park. [97]
Even as Albright campaigned against the coyotes, the Park Service
planned more research on this predator, and in 1937 Adolph Murie
initiated a study of Yellowstone's coyotes. Murie's report, Ecology
of the Coyote in the Yellowstone, appeared in 1940. It indicated
that coyote predation did not appreciably affect prey populations,
having only a "negligible" impact on elk populations. Murie noted that
in view of the National Park Service's "high purpose" of preserving
"selected samples of primitive America," the parks' flora and fauna
should be subjected to "minimal disturbance." He concluded that coyote
control was "not advisable under present conditions." [98]
Coming from one of the most outspoken Park Service biologists,
Murie's conclusions drew severe criticism from within the Service.
Indeed, some individuals in top management apparently wanted Murie
fired. [99] Moreover, already aware of
Murie's findings and the Wildlife Division's opposition to coyote
reduction, Albright wrote to Cammerer in January 1939, repeating his
disagreement with the biologists. Believing there was nothing to be
gained "either in wildlife management or in service to the public" by
protecting the coyotes, Albright feared that, if not controlled very
strictly, "powerful predators" such as the coyote were certain to menace
the "more desirable species of wildlife." Despite the criticism, Murie's
findings gained support from Director Cammerer. As Cammerer stated in
his 1939 annual report, the coyote was a "natural and desirable
component of the primitive biotic picture," not affecting the well-being
of any of its prey species and "not requiring any control at
present"words that sound as if they were written by Murie himself.
[100]
Cammerer also noted in his 1939 report that Murie had begun
longrange studies of the wolves in Mt. McKinley National Park. Public
demands for wolf control in McKinley (which resulted from fear that this
predator was reducing Dall sheep and other popular wildlife populations)
prompted Murie's study, which would extend into the mid-1940s. As with
the coyotes in Yellowstone, the Service sought to establish a scientific
basis for its treatment of Mt. McKinley's wolves. Again, however, Horace
Albright's comments highlighted the differences between the
recommendations of the wildlife biologists and traditional Park Service
attitudes. In his January 1939 letter to Cammerer, the former director
stated that he found it "very difficult" to accept the idea of
protecting McKinley's wolf population in the "territory of the beautiful
Dall sheep." Albright believed it was a "grave risk" to spend so much
time and effort caring for predators, a responsibility that in his
opinion "does not or need not fall on the National Park Service at all."
[101]
Writing to Cammerer in May 1939, Park Service biologist David Madsen
reflected on the state of national park predator management. He noted
the ambivalence that still existed and cited Adolph Murie's belief that
the Service was troubled with "confused thinking" and did not have a
"philosophical point of view" on predators. In part, Madsen attributed
this indecisive attitude to a lack of scientific information that
affected the thinking of all Service personnel, both managers and
biologists. He saw a "need for enlightenment" on the predator issue, to
help the Service handle the "crossfire" between the scientists and
groups such as sportsmen and livestock owners. [102]
Influenced by the wildlife biologists (who found some support from
park managementfrom Director Cammerer to Yellowstone ranger
Childs), the Park Service moved very slowly and erratically during the
1930s toward a scientific understanding of predator and prey populations
and the discontinuance of predator control. Murie's work at Yellowstone
and Mt. McKinley and the coyote studies at Lava Beds evidenced a
willingness in the Service to use scientific research to address
specific predator concerns. Nevertheless, as Madsen recognized, a strong
ambivalence attended the issue. The scientific perspective was countered
by traditional attitudes favoring popular game species over carnivores
and by agitation from organizations of livestock owners and sportsmen.
Such pressures would persist.
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