Chapter 8
Conclusion
It must seem curious that a book about the national
parks talks so little about nature for its own sake, and may even seem
to denigrate ecosystem preservation as central to the mission of the
parks. My only explanation is that most conflict over national park
policy does not really turn on whether we ought to have nature reserves
(for that is widely agreed), but on the uses that people will make of
those placeswhich is neither a subject of general agreement nor
capable of resolution by reference to ecological principles. The
preservationists are really moralists at heart, and people are very much
at the center of their concerns. They encourage people to immerse
themselves in natural settings and to behave there in certain ways,
because they believe such behavior is redeeming.
Moreover, the preservationists do not merely aspire
to persuade individuals how to conduct their personal lives. With the
exception of Thoreau, who predated the national park era, they have
directed their prescriptions to government. The parks are, after all,
public institutions which belong to everyone, not just to wilderness
hikers. The weight of the preservationist view, therefore, turns not
only on its persuasiveness for the individual as such, but also on its
ability to garner the supportor at least the toleranceof
citizens in a democratic society to bring the preservationist vision
into operation as official policy. It is not enough to accept the
preservationists simply as a minority, speaking for a minority, however
impressive. For that reason I have described them as secular prophets,
preaching a message of secular salvation. I have attempted to articulate
their views as a public philosophy, rather than treating them merely as
spokesmen for an avocation of nature appreciation, because the claims
they make on government oblige them to bear the weightier burden.
This is not to say that what they preach cannot be
rejected as merely a matter of taste, of elitist sentiment or as yet
another reworking of pastoral sentimentalism. It is, however, to admit
that their desire to dominate a public policy for public parks cannot
prevail if their message is taken in so limited a compass. If they
cannot persuade a majority that the country needs national parks of the
kind they propose, much as it needs public schools and libraries, then
the role they have long sought to play in the governmental process
cannot be sustained. The claim is bold, and it has often been concealed
in a pastiche of argument for scientific protection of nature, minority
rights, and sentimental rhetoric. I have tried to isolate and make
explicit the political claim as it relates to the fashioning of public
policy, and leave it to sail or sink on that basis.
It may also seem curious that I have put the
preservationists into the foreground, rather than the Congress or the
National Park Service. Of course Congress has the power to be
paternalistic if it wishes, and it often is. It thinks a lot of things
are good for us, from free trade and a nuclear defense system to public
statuary and space exploration. But no unkindness is intended by the
observation that Congress doesn't really think at all. At best it
responds to the ideas that thinkers put before it, considers the merits
of those thoughts, tests them against its sense of the larger themes
that give American society coherence, and asks whether the majority will
find them attractive or tolerable. The fundamental question
thenand the question I have tried to address hereis whether
the ideas of nature preservationists meet these tests. If they do,
Congress will ultimately reflect them.
The National Park Service, and other bureaucracies
that manage nature reserves, are also basically reflective institutions.
Strictly speaking, they enforce the rules Congress makes, doing what
they are told. But no administrative agency is in fact so mechanical in
its operation. It has its own sense of mission, an internal conception
of what it ought to be doing, and that sense of mission also harks back
to what thinkers have persuaded it, institutionally, to believe. If the
Park Service is basically dominated by the ideology of the
preservationists, it will act in certain ways, given the opportunity.
If, on the other hand, it has come to believe in the commodity-view of
the parks, it will behave quite differently. Thus, again, the capacity
of the preservationist view to persuade is the essential issue.
At the same time, no bureaucracy behaves simply
according to its own sense of mission. It lives in a political milieu,
with constituencies of users and neighbors who impose strong, and at
times irresistible, pressures on it. What the general public believes
about the appropriate mission of the national parks is also essential.
If the preservationist is to prevail, he must gain at least the passive
support of the public, which will indirectly be felt by the Park Service
in the decisions it makes in day to day management.
For these reasons, the preceding pages have been
devoted to what preservationists think about the national parks,
rather than to park history, assessments of popular demand, or the rules
officials have, in fact, made. The preservationist message is addressed
to three audiences simultaneously: the Congress, the National Park
Service, and the general public.
To Congress it says don't try to make the
national parks all things to all people in every location. Do use the
public lands to serve conventional recreational preferences, but save
some places explicitly for what has been calledlacking any fully
satisfactory termreflective or contemplative recreation. Indeed,
try to encourage more of such recreation, and for that reason try to
accommodate conventional demands, as much as you can, at other places.
Moreover, make some effort to discourage the use of public lands for
those forms of recreation that are the most consumptive of the
resources, and that rest principally on the inclination toward power and
dominion. In so doing, you will both stretch the capacity of our
physical resources to meet public recreational needs, and also play a
minimally coercive role in giving leadership to a culture value that is
worthy of support.
To the Park Service, the message is that your
traditional inclination to associate yourselves with the preservationist
tradition should be encouraged. Nothing in that tradition intrudes upon
the basic values of a democratic society that you are obliged to uphold.
Hold fast to the position that park visitors have a duty to themselves
to unbundle their various recreational desires: force the duty to choose
on them and resist pressures to deprive the parks of authenticity under
such labels as "threshold wilderness experiences."
Most importantly, however, if you do commit yourself
to the preservationist view, keep in mind that its implementation is
most important in those places where the great bulk of visitors find
themselves, places like Yosemite Valley. Do not, therefore, write off
such places as irrevocably urbanized, and do not congratulate yourselves
simply because the bulk of acreage in the parks is still undeveloped
wilderness. Pursue, but even more forcefully, your emerging plans for
the reduction of development in places like Yosemite Valley. Pursue also
the distinctive role carved out for urban parks that is reflected, at
least in part, in the early planning for New York's Gateway East.
Another important message may be drawn from the
Olympic Park controversy described earlier. It is that much as public
pressures may seem to restrict your scope of action, keep in mind that a
bold affirmative strategy is the most effective way to keep those
pressures at bay. You must yourselves seek out alternative sites for the
users who claim that only parklands can adequately serve conventional
tourism. You cannot simply reject pressures without offering attractive
substitutes. You need to know much more about what resources are
available elsewhere. You can't build a wall around the parks and close
your eyes to what goes on outside them. You will also have to be more
skillful in dealing with private entrepreneurs and concessioners who
consciously build demands for the use of parklands that are extremely
difficult to deal with after the fact. If you had been more foresighted
in the management of the Colorado River in Grand Canyon, for example,
and had looked ahead before some twenty commercial operators began
generating customers for this remote and fragile place, you would not
have had so difficult a time in managing the river as you would
like.
You can also affect the popular pressures you feel by
affirmatively encouraging opportunities for less urbanized recreation
outside the national parks. Ultimately the parks will reflect the kinds
of recreation habits most people have. There are many ways in which
people can be encouraged to use their leisure time in a slower-paced,
less energy-consuming, and more intensive fashion. An old tradition in
vacation styles, where people went into a community and lived with local
people, learning to savor the indigenous style and pace of the area,
could usefully be revived; and doing so would help develop a new
constituency amenable to the preservationist prescription for the
parks.
The traditional practice of government has been to
promote tourism by building new, high-speed roads in an area and
encouraging the construction of modern highway motels. Indeed, one sees
many such developments near the national parks themselves, and their
style of tourism powerfully affects the parks. The result of such
government programs, however, is often neither to advantage the local
population, which finds itself with dead-end service jobs in motels and
stores, nor to give the tourist any distinctive sense of the area he is
visiting. He stays in a conventional motel, sees only what is seen by
car, and shops in souvenir shops and curio stands that have grown up
solely to serve him.
There are many places where a different sort of
strategy could pay long-lasting dividends. The fascinating Indian and
Spanish communities of the Southwest exemplify one such an opportunity.
By immersing himself in the regional culture, the visitor could
experience the unique qualities the area possesses, and local people
would have the opportunity to benefit more directly from tourist
traffic. Rather than being encouraged to abandon their culture to become
busboys and waiters, they would have an incentive to maintain the
distinctive qualities of their own community.
Successful examples of such efforts already exist.
There are commercial enterprises that arrange for American families to
spend vacations living with families in the French countryside. [1] The host family, though it is paid for the
board and lodging it provides, is just thata hostoffering
hospitality and an opportunity to see something of the region from the
inside, while maintaining its own dignity, status, and distinctiveness,
rather than abandoning it to the international motel style of foreign
tourism.
Such arrangements would not directly affect the
national parks, for of course there are very few human settlements in
the parks themselves. But they could have a profound indirect effect.
They would encourage a more deliberate, more probing, style of tourism,
with less incentive to change existing communities (both natural and
human) to meet the visitor's preconception, and instead encourage the
visitor to adapt to the setting of the place visited. Changed attitudes
about recreation in the large and in the long run are fundamentally what
will determine the future of the parks, and an imaginative National Park
Service bureaucracy will have to rake the large view if it is to play a
significant role in that future. Efforts directed to stimulating
enjoyment of an area's distinctive character will ultimately generate
appreciation for the features that give a place what René Dubos
calls its "genius," [2] its authenticity of
character, whether it is a languid desert, a remote mountain community
of villagers, or a bleak intersection of land and seascape.
To those for whom wilderness values and the
symbolic message of the parks has never been of more than peripheral
importance, this book asks principally for tolerance: a willingness to
entertain the suggestion that the parks are more valuable as artifacts
of culture than as commodity resources; a willingness to try a new
departure in the use of leisure more demanding than conventional
recreation; a sympathetic ear tuned to the claim for
self-paternalism.
Finally, to the preservationists themselves, in
whose ranks I include myself, the message is that the parks are not
self-justifying. Your vision is not necessarily one that will commend
itself to the majority. It rests on a set of moral and aesthetic
attitudes whose force is not strengthened either by contemptuous disdain
of those who question your conception of what a national park should be,
or by taking refuge in claims of ecological necessity. Tolerance is
required on all sides, along with a certain modesty. "I have gone
a-fishing while others were struggling and groaning and losing their
souls in the great social or political or business maelstrom," the
nature writer John Burroughs observed late in his life. "I know too I
have gone a-fishing while others have labored in the slums and given
their lives to the betterment of their fellows. But I have been a good
fisherman, and I should have made a poor reformer. . . . My strength is
my calm, my serenity." [3]
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