Chapter 3
The Ideal in Practice
An extensive and largely ignored body of
literatureproduced not by scholars, but by the participants
themselvescaptures the essence of the reflective, independent
qualities Olmsted sought to describe as the ideal for recreation in the
national parks. [1] With rare exceptions,
these writings have been treated as popular entertainment intended for
an audience of fellow sportsmen. They deserve wider and more serious
attention.
Probably no recreation has produced a larger body of
books and articles than fishing. [2] On first
consideration, the point seems obvious enough: People go fishing in
order to catch fish. Yet the single theme that dominates the fishing
literature is a disavowal of precisely this proposition. Arnold
Gingrich, a well-known writer on the subject, opens his book The Joys
of Trout with the recollection that "if a careful count were kept,
it would show that over the last five years my evenings have been just a
little more often fishless than not." Yet, he adds, "since I never keep
the fish I catch anyway, a realist might well ask what difference it
makes." [3] That is the question to which
scores of fishing books have addressed themselves.
Certainly it would be misleading to suggest that
catching fish is a matter of indifference to the serious fisherman. What
is clear, though, is that fishing at its best is not about
catching fish. Roderick Haig-Brown, a celebrated fly-fishing writer,
captured the spirit of the literature when he wrote: "I do not fish for
fish to eat . . . I do fish to catch fish . . . at least that is an idea
not too far from the back of my mind while I am fishing; but I have
fished through fishless days that I remember happily and without regret.
. ." [4] Albert Miller, who writes under the
name Sparse Grey Hackle, picks up the same verbal formulation in the
title to his best known book, Fishless Days, Angling Nights.
Miller's book opens with the statement, "Fortunately, I learned long ago
that although fish do make a differencethe differencein
angling, catching them does not"; the secret of fishing is to be
"content to not-catch fish in the most skillful and refined manner . .
." [5] It is no coincidence that Miller
adopts one of Olmsted's favorite nineteenth century words, refinement.
Fishing is most satisfying, not when it results in accomplishment of a
set task, but in refining us.
In the greatest of all fishing books, Walton and
Cotton's The Compleat Angler, the narrator Piscator replies to
those who pity the ardent fisherman, comparing him unfavorably to
purposeful, serious men of affairs.
Men who are taken to be grave . . . money-getting
men, men that spend all their time, first in getting it, and next in
anxious care to keep it; . . . we Anglers pity them perfectly . . . and
stand in no need to borrow their thought to think ourselves so happy.
[6]
If fishing were only the getting of fish, Piscator
says, it would be nothing but an outdoor version of what "these
poor-rich-men" do. And when his companion notes in frustration that he
has followed Piscator for two hours and not even seen a fish stir, he is
told that he has not yet learned what angling is all about. "There is
more pleasure in hunting the hare than in eating her. . . . As well
content no prize to take / As use of taken prize to make." [7]
The subtitle of The Compleat Angler is The
Contemplative Man's Recreation, and here again the verbal similarity
with Olmsted's definition of the park, as a place designed to stir the
contemplative faculty, is revealing. Angling is an art, and fishing is
simply the raw material of that art, whereby the mind is engaged; a good
angler must bring to his recreation "an inquiring, searching, observing,
wit." [8] One of the most famous passages in
Walton and Cotton's book compares angling to mathematics: "It can never
be fully learned . . . an art worthy the knowledge and practice of a
wise man." [9] In the charming
autobiographical story, "A River Runs Through It," Norman MacLean says
"it is not fly fishing if you are not looking for answers to questions."
[10] And Roderick Haig-Brown speaks of
fly-fishing as an activity calculated to evoke "the subtle and difficult
things:" [11]
I can lie for hours at a time and watch the flow of a
little stream . . . the secret vagaries of current are clearly revealed
here. . . . A fold or break of current, a burst of bubbles or the ripple
of a stone . . . releases in me a flood of satisfaction that must, I
think, be akin to that which a philosopher feels as his mind is opened
to a profound truth. I feel larger, and better and stronger for it in
ways that have nothing to do with any common gain in practical
knowledge. [12]
These descriptions raise a question to which the
fishing literature gives no direct answer. Is it simply the setting, the
fascinating stream or the grand scenery? Or is there something about the
activity itself essential to production of the profound satisfaction he
describes? Neither the setting nor the activity in itself seems
to be decisive; rather, it is the presence of something capable of
engaging, rather than merely occupying, the individuala stimulus
for intensity of experience, for the full involvement of the senses and
the mind.
The setting may be important because of its
complexity or its unfamiliarity. A trout in a trout stream is more
provocative than a trout in a fishbowl; an undeveloped forest is more
likely to engage our concentration than the cornfield we see every day.
Of course there are no absolutes here. To a scientist, a common
cornfield may be endlessly fascinating and puzzling, and to the artistic
eye the most common events may be dazzling. For Proust nothing more was
required than the routine of a mother's good-night kiss, the tedious
salons of Paris, and the daily events of a banal seaside resort. Most of
us are not so discerning; for us setting counts.
The activity counts too. Fishing for the wily trout
in its natural habitat forces us to be attentive to the smallest detail
in a way that driving by at a high speed, or a casual walk, may not.
It's not only what we do, but what we refrain from doing. The
installation of snack stands and souvenir shops at Niagara were a
distraction calculated to divert the visitor from intense concentration
upon anything, while the majestic grandeur of the falls has a capacity
to focus our attention. The presence of concessioners offering
preplanned pony or boat rides can be an impediment to intensity of
experience, diverting us from coming at the experience in our own way
and at our own pace.
The facilities we provide for ourselves also affect
our responses. To drive through the desert in an air-conditioned car is
an insulating experience. The increasingly popular recreation of
backpacking offers a revealing counterexample. [13] Hiking with a pack on one's back appears
superficially to be a strangely unappealing activity. The hiker,
vulnerable to insects and bad weather, carries a heavy load over rough
terrain, only to end up in the most primitive sort of shelter, where he
or she eats basic foods prepared in the simplest fashion. Certainly
there are often attractive rewards, such as a beautiful alpine lake with
especially good fishing. But these are not sufficient explanations for
such extraordinary exertions, for there are few places indeed that could
not be easily made more accessible, and by much more comfortable
means.
To the uninitiated backpacker a day in the woods can
be, and often is, an experience of unrelieved misery. The pack is
over-loaded; tender feet stumble and are blistered. It is alternately
too hot or too cold. The backpacker has the wrong gear for the weather
or has packed it in the wrong place; the tent attracts every gust of
wind and rivulet of water. The fire won't start, or the stove fails just
when it's needed. And the turns that seemed so clear on the map have now
become utterly confusing.
Such experiences, familiar in one form or another to
all beginners, are truly unforgiving; and when things go wrong, they do
so in cascading fashion. Yet others camping nearby suffer no such
miseries. Though their packs are lighter, they have an endless supply of
exactly the things that are needed. Their tents go up quickly, they have
solved the mystery of wet wood, and they sit under a deceptively simple
rain shelter, eating their dinner in serene comfort. What is more, they
are having a good time. The woods, for the beginner an endless
succession of indistinguishable trees apparently designed to bewilder
the hapless walker, conceal a patch of berries or an edible mushroom.
Nearby, but unseen, are beautiful grazing deer or, overhead, a soaring
eagle.
With time, patience, and effort one recognizes that
these things are available to everyone; it is possible to get in control
of the experience, to make it our own. The pack lightens as tricks are
learned: how to substitute and how to improvise quickly, out of
available materials, the things previously lugged. The more known, the
less needed. Everything put in the head lessens what has to be carried
on the shoulders. The sense of frustration falls away and with it the
fear that things will break down. One knows how to adapt. The pleasure
of adaptation is considerable in itself because it is liberating.
Nor is it merely a lifting of burdens. The
backpacker, like the fisherman, discovers that the positive quality of
the voyage is directly related to his or her own knowledge and
resources. There is often a dramatic revelation that the woods are full
of things to seefor those who know how to see them.
The kind of encounter that routinely takes place in
the modern motorized vehicle, or in the managed, prepackaged resort, is
calculated to diminish such intensity of experience. Nothing distinctive
about us as individuals is crucial. The margin of error permitted is
great enough to neutralize the importance of what we know. If we roar
off in the wrong direction, we can easily roar back again, for none of
our energy is expended. It isn't important to pay close attention to the
weather; we are insulated from it. We need not notice a small spring; we
are not at the margin where water counts. The opportunity for intensity
of experience is drained away.
It is not that the motorized tourist or the visitor
at a highly developed site must necessarily lose intensity, or that he
is compelled to experience his surroundings at a remove, just as it is
not inevitable that backpacking or fly-fishing will produce profound,
individual responses. It is rather that the circumstances we impose on
ourselves have the power to shape our experience.
The contrast between insulation and intensity is also
demonstrated by the tools we use. Fishermen are probably more interested
in equipment than are the devotees of any other leisure activity, and
fishing books are full of endless discussion of flies, lines, rods, and
leaders. Yet that interest is not at all directed to technological
advance leading to increased efficiency in catching fish. Indeed, in one
respect, it has exactly the opposite purpose: it is designed to maintain
and even to increase the difficulty of success. At the same time,
intricacy for its own sake is not sought. The goal is to raise to a
maximum the importance of the participant's understanding, to play the
game from the trout's point of view, so as to draw, as Haig-Brown puts
it, upon "imagination, curiosity, bold experiment and intense
observation." [14] This distinction between
technology and technique is perhaps the most familiar common element in
the recreational literature.
The hunting literature is very explicit in this
respect though, like fishing, it at first seems wholly built around the
conquest of a prey. One of the most provocative books ever written about
that sport is the Meditations on Hunting of the Spanish
philosopher José Ortega y Gasset. [15] Ortega's book was begun as a preface to
another writer's conventional book about hunting, but it expanded into a
full volume as he pondered the question, Why do we hunt? He was
impressed by the fact that people have hunted over many centuries, and
that the essence of the activity has nor changed. A principal premise of
the book is that rather than using every technological advantage
available to him, the hunter has self-consciously neutralized his
technological advantage in favor of the opportunity to develop what
Ortega called technique:
For hunting is not simply casting blows right and
left in order to kill animals or to catch them. The hunt is a series of
technical operations, and for an activity to become technical it has to
matter that it works in one particular way and not in another. . . . It
involves a complete set of ethics of the most distinguished design. [16]
To describe the hunting of animals as an ethical
activity at first seems highly eccentric. Yet the recreation literature
gives powerful support to Ortega's cryptic statement. The proposition
that accomplishment is not of the essence is substantiated by a uniform
view that the game gets better the more the player is able to intensify
the experience. One practical application of this hypothesis is to
disembarrass oneself of equipment whose purpose is simply to increase
the ability to prevail.
The celebrated American wilderness advocate, Aldo
Leopold, wrote about hunting in terms quite similar to those of the
Spaniard Ortega. "There is," Leopold said, "a value in any experience
that exercises those ethical restraints collectively called
'sportsmanship'. Our tools for the pursuit of wildlife improve faster
than we do, and sportsmanship is a voluntary limitation in the use of
those armaments." [17]
Leopold goes on to say something about hunting that
is reminiscent of Olmsted's perception of recreation as a contrast to
achievement. In the Yosemite report Olmsted not only spoke of
accomplishment, but used the phrase "accomplishing something in the mind
of another," that is, doing something because it wins the admiration of
others. The fishing writers respond by observing that they are engaged
in an activity that is judged only by the standard the fisherman sets
for himself. And Leopold notes, "a peculiar virtue of wildlife ethics is
that the hunter ordinarily has no gallery to applaud or disapprove of
his conduct. Whatever his acts, they are dictated by his own conscience
rather than by a mob of onlookers. It is difficult to exaggerate the
importance of this fact." [18]
The attitudes associated with an activity may be more
important than either the activity itself or its setting. To the extent
that we infuse the parks with symbolic meaning by the way in which we
use them, the symbolism attached to particular uses itself becomes a
critical factor in the meaning that parks have for us. Consider, for
example, the controversial question of off-road motorized vehicles
(ORVs). [19] While ORVs have sometimes
caused great and long-lasting damage, the vehicle itself is not the
crucial factor in the controversy its use has created, for it is
possible to imagine the lonely cyclist exploring the backcountry in
quite the same fashion as the hiker or the horseman. [20]
Yet, in fact, the ORV has associated itself in our
minds with a style of use that is quite at odds with Leopold's
description of the ethical hunter, Olmsted's contemplative visitor, or
Walton's pensive fisherman. The ORV has become a symbol of speed, power,
and spectacle. The best-known ORV event on the public lands is the
Barstow-Las Vegas motorcycle race that occurs on the California desert.
Pictures of as many as three thousand cycles lined up to make the
150-mile crosscountry course have been widely published, both in books
and on television. [21] This mass event,
infamous for its destruction of the desert ecosystem, its rowdiness, and
its vandalism, has become an emblem of the ORV. Commercial advertising
has reinforced this picture, as publicity for off-road vehicles
demonstrates: "Just put your gang on Suzuki's DS trail bikes. And head
for the boonies. . . . Peaks or valleys, it's all the same to these
rugged off-road machines. Tractoring up a hillside or going flat-out on
a dry lake is no sweat." [22]
The descriptive literature provides a parallel image.
In Lee Gutkind's book, Bike Fever, a day's expedition is reported
as follows:
The [motorcycle] bellowed as it bounced over the
sage, and folded down the yellow grass on either side of the wheels. . .
. He jetted off across the prairie for a while, breathing in the red
dust that the wind and his wheels were kicking up. . . . He trampled the
sagebrush . . . he had run into some "whoop-de-do" jumpsa series
of brief hills, about 25 feet apart. He cranked on, climbed the hill,
and disconnected from the ground. . . . Each time he hit the top of a
hill, his wheels left the ground and his stomach ricocheted into his
throat. . . . [23]
The picture here is all exhilaration and
excitementspeed, danger, and domination. As a book entitled The
Snowmobiler's Companion puts it,
the snowmobile has brought back some of that
edge-of-danger excitement, those feelings of man-against-the-elements
adventure and man-over-machinery mastery that have been lost in every
other form of modern transportation. . . . Why? To win. . . . To put on
a spectacle. . . . To risk a life to the unending delight of hundreds of
faces jammed up against the fences, mad for action, for crashes and
beer. Why? To prove that the machine is faster, the racer braver, better
than the rest. To prove to whom? To Harry down the road. To yourself. To
the faces at the fence. [24]
The ORV has become an extreme example of one kind of
symbol, just as the motor-home recreational vehicle has of
anotherthat of the passive visitor, unable to leave home and its
comforts behind, sitting watching TV in the midst of the nation's most
magnificent country. Other controversial useshang gliding, for
exampleemit a much less clear message, and to that extent engender
much more ambivalent feelings. To some extent there is uneasiness
because the activity seems a sort of spectacle of thrill seeking, rather
like going over the falls in a barrel or riding a roller coaster.
Conversely, the skills it requires, such as close attention to and
understanding of complex wind patterns, make it seem rather like the
activity of the hunter or fisherman who has minimized his tools and put
himself as close to the margin of experience as possible.
These wide-ranging examples suggest an issue of
subtlety and sophistication barely hinted at in Olmsted's writings. He
asserted that activities removed from mere will to accomplishment and
achievement in the eyes of others was important as a contrast to the
values that so often dominate our daily lives. The fishing and hunting
books clearly affirm that proposition. The cycling writings also speak
to a kind of contrastthe passive twentieth century citizen getting
into active control of something and mastering it. While each seems to
respond to similar longings, in practice they diverge sharply. The
hunting and fishing writers are drawn to activities that transcend,
without denying, the raw impulsion to exhibit power, win the game, pile
up a score, and exercise dominiontreating the will to prevail as
something natural, but at the same time dealing with it as something to
be faced and measured, rather than yielded to.
Nowhere in the literature is this insight more
explicit than in the rich stock of books on mountaineering. [25] There is a special intrigue in turning to
this source, for among those who have comprised the national parks
constituency over the years there is probably no recreation that has
been more amply represented than mountain climbing. The Sierra Club, to
take but one example, was for many years, in many ways, largely a
mountaineering club; and John Muir, its patron saint, was, of course,
John of the mountains.
It is impossible to read the climbing books without a
certain mixture of attraction and repulsion. Particularly if one comes
to them in the light of Olmsted's gentility, and his aesthetic
sensibility, it is slightly shocking to read the tales of dogged
determination, competitive striving to be first to the top, and
unattractive infighting among members of climbing parties. The
literature spans a wide spectrum from individual hiking to expedition
climbing of the Mount Everest type. The latter is, obviously, quite a
limited genre in terms of the numbers of people involved, but it has
nonetheless been a primary source of published, and widely read, books.
It has set the standard of style and rules of the game for those
attracted to the mountains, just as Walton and Cotton or Haig-Brown have
for fishermen.
What is one to make of these extraordinary books,
with their reports of multimillion dollar expeditions, multitudes of
hired porters, and diplomatic negotiations to assure primacy in reaching
some remote summit? Thoreau said that only daring and insolent men climb
mountains, [26] and one need not read very
deeply in this literature to understand what he meant. Even the titles
of the books are revealing. Among recent and popular publications, two
of the best known are Everest the Hard Way (with the emphasis on
hard), [27] and In the Throne Room
of the Mountain Gods. [28] While the
latter of these titles was probably sardonically chosen, the book being
a rare effort to avoid the conventional glorifying style of the genre,
it nonetheless conveys an accurate sense of what mountaineers think they
are getting ator getting to.
In many respects, mountain climbing books present a
restatement of familiar themes. It is repeatedly observed that climbing
at its best eschews the presence of an audience, and the longing is
often expressed that "expeditions would go secretly and come back
secretly, and no one would ever know." [29]
The technique/technology distinction is sharply drawn, with much
condemnation of the gadgetry that promotes success at the expense of the
climber's opportunity to respond to the distinctive challenge each
mountain presents. [30] There is
understandable disdain for such astonishing decisions as the use of
helicopters to negotiate the most difficult parts of Mount Everest, of
which the famous English climber Chris Bonington said gently, it "seemed
an unpleasant erosion of the climbing ethic." [31] More generally, the literature affirms the
proposition that "climbing with a few classic tools that become
extensions of the body is quite conducive to the sought-after feeling;
using a plethora of gadgets is not. [32]
Likewise it is repeatedly observed that the essence
of mountaineering is not reaching the summit, but the climb itself.
"Reaching the summit of a mountain is not all it is cracked up to be,"
Galen Rowell says, "the summit is merely the curtain falling on a grand
play." [33] Some years ago, the English
alpinist Geoffrey Winthrop Young said, "in great mountaineering, the
result, the reaching of a summit, is of minor importance . . . the whole
merit of the climb depend[s] upon the way it was done, that is the
method, behavior and mental attitude of the climbers . . ." [34]
At the same time, there is a quality in
mountaineering books of drive and competition, of a will to achievement,
self-testing, and supremacy. Competitive drive is a quality far removed
from what Olmsted was describing and from the attitude of America's
greatest mountain explorer, John Muir. The struggle that is so central
to most of this literature is, with a single exceptionthe night on
Mount Shasta, recounted with great drama in Steep
Trailswholly absent in Muir's writing. [35] One of the lovely stories told about Muir
is that after reading a magazine article in which a climber described
his exciting perils in the ascent of Mount Tyndal, Muir remarked that
the author "must have given himself a lot of trouble. When I climbed
Mount Tyndal," he said, "I ran up and back before breakfast." [36]
At the heart of most writing about mountain climbing
there is something very different from the experience of attunement that
Muir and most other popular nature writers describe. At one level, it
is the competitive striving that Olmsted sought to put aside, the
"work hard, play hard" ethic associated with the ORV by which the
standards and practices of the day-to-day world are imported whole into
recreational activity. To this extent the climbing literature seems
anomalous.
But there is another, and fascinating, element in
these books. It is a picture of mountaineering as attractive to those
who are strongly inclined to competition and striving, but serving as a
means to come to terms with those intuitions in an activity whose
traditions and style are calculated to transcend them. Galen Rowell's
book, In the Throne Room of the Mountain Gods, contains numerous
passages directed to just this point:
All of us by now were aware that the approach march
was turning into a contest and that we were being judged in part by our
pack weights and hiking times. . . . [M]y pack was frequently hefted by
[others]. One would say, "Wow, that's light." . . . I'd like to be able
to say that I wasn't bothered by these taunts. . . . Other things were
more important to me. Or were they? One part of me longed to prove
myself. . . . I, whether I admitted it to myself or not, was definitely
competing when I matched my pace to that of the front-runners. [37]
In an entry in his diary, Rowell returned to this
theme:
Most Western people, like dogs chasing their tails,
devote their lives to a conscious pursuit of happiness. . . . Those of
us hoping to climb K-2 have widened the circle of the chase. We are
after a tangible goalthe summit of a mountainwhich will
function in our lives exactly as a material possession would, except
that it will be nontransferable, theft-proof, and inflation-proof. Our
society will register the achievement on an equal level with other, less
abstract rewards of Western living. "I'd like you to meet Mr. Jones, the
president of our local bank. And this is Mr. Dunham; he climbed the
second highest mountain in the world." [38]
This, of course, is the same author who says that
getting to the top is not the important thing, and that climbing is best
when climbing alone or with a few quiet companions, not trying to follow
someone else's standards for a climb. The impressive feature of Rowell's
book is its rare openness, not only about the brutality of expedition
climbing at its worst, but about the difficulty of achieving the sublime
pleasures of a self-defining experience to which most such books are
almost exclusively devoted.
The climbing experience at its best"enjoyed
purely for itself," [39] as Rowell puts it,
adopting almost the identical words Olmsted used in the Yosemite
reportrequires a detachment from the pressure of conventional
expectations that is extremely difficult to achieve. The interest of
climbing is not simply that it tends to attract those who feel these
external pressures sharply, but that it induces the participant to
confront this inner conflict rather than conceal it. Mountain climbing
is a particularly interesting model because it draws together elements
of skill development, tension between achievement and contemplation,
independence, physical setting, and an established ethic. In an article
entitled "Games Climbers Play," [40] Lito
Tejada-Flores notes that informal rules have evolved for various kinds
of climbing experiences, set out as a series of negative injunctions:
Don't use fixed ropes, belays, pitons, etc. The purpose of these rules
is to build an ethical structure for the climbing game. "[T]hey are
designed to conserve the climber's feeling of personal (moral)
accomplishment against the meaninglessness of a success which represents
merely technological victory." [41]
Moreover, based on one's own level of skill and ability, each individual
can select a kind of climbing game that is challenging for him. The idea
is not that some games are better, harder, or more worthwhile in
themselves than others, Tejada-Flores notes. Indeed, the very purpose of
the game's structure is "to equalize such value connotations from game
to game so that the climber who plays any of these games by its proper
set of rules should have at least a similar feeling of personal
accomplishment." [42]
At the same rime, the climb is not simply a physical
challenge or a series of dangerous moments. Its setting and pace provide
an opportunity and incentive for intensity of experience beyond the
physical. It is, the climber Doug Robinson suggests, "seeing the objects
and actions of ordinary experience with greater intensity, penetrating
them further, seeing their marvels and mysteries, their forms, moods,
and motions . . . it amounts to bringing a fresh vision to the familiar
things of the world." [43] A concentrated
immersion in the natural scene, growing out of the pace of the climb and
its demand for intense concentration, produces a special kind of
observation. Here, for example is a description of a climb in Yosemite
by Yvon Chouinard:
Each individual crystal in the granite stood out in
bold relief. The varied shape of the clouds. . . . For the first time we
noticed tiny bugs that were all over the walls, so tiny they were barely
noticeable. While belaying, I stared at one for 15 minutes, watching him
move and admiring his brilliant red color. [44]
To be sure, not every climbing experience, or every
climber, ascends either to such physical or mental peaks. Recent reports
of a commercial enterprise devoted to getting beginners to the top of
Mount Rainier, even if they have to be pulled up, make clear that no
activity in itself has magic. [45] But
mountaineering seems a particularly vivid example of the ideals and
struggles with inner conflict that have fueled the recreational
symbolism of the national parks.
The interlocking themes of the climbing
literaturedomination mediated by self-conscious restraintare
also powerfully reflected in the American literary tradition. Nowhere
are they more fully realized than in Faulkner's "The Bear," the mythic
hunting story of a yearly rendezvous with the great bearsymbol of
the wilderness"which they did not even intend to kill," not
because it could not be vanquished but because the mere act of
conquest would be merely an act of destruction. [46] The wilderness could be conquered, was
being conquered, not by true hunters but by destroyers, "men with plows
and axes who feared it because it was wilderness, men myriad and
nameless even to one another," for whom wilderness had never "loomed and
towered" in their dreams. The hunter's appointment with the bear is an
inner rendezvous, a test of "the will and hardihood to endure and the
humility and skill to survive," [47] of men
not yet tamed and not needful of taming the world around them.
A parallel theme runs through Hemingway's writing,
even in the early "Big Two-Hearted River." [48] Everything in the previously described
fishing literature is present therethe gentle day, the
timelessness, the deep pleasures of getting intensely into the flow of
the river, the unimportance to the fishing trip of catching fish. But
the story obtains its power from the clearly felt but unstated fact that
Nick Adams is not just whiling away a day on the river. He is exorcising
a demon deep inside him.
The feeling of being at home and in harmony with
things, the satisfying fatigue after a hard day of self-imposed labor,
the pleasures of elemental truths intensely felt, the movement of the
trout, the color of the grasshopper, the form of the landscape, the
smell of food, are fully realized. But all this is overlain with an
ominous sense of the pressures and perils in the world to which he will
soon return. "He felt he had left everything behind, the need for
thinking, the need to write, other needs. It was all back of him. . . .
Nothing could touch him." [49] But these are
not statements, they are questions. Sandwiched in the collection of
stories entitled In Our Time, between two vivid descriptions of
man's inhumanity to man, the final impression is of Nick's inevitable
return to the conventional, and brutal, world outside. This is the
literature of struggle. [50]
In Hemingway's late story, The Old Man and the
Sea, the question of the hunt is posed in its starkest form. [51] Man strives for mastery and yet finds
triumph only when he recognizes that he is not master. The desire to
prevail is treated as natural: Santiago was born to be a fisherman just
as the fish was born to be a fish. [52] But
just as surely we know that victory alone is hollow; indeed, as has
often been remarked in noting images of the crucifixion in the book,
there can be victory in defeat where success is something other
than conquest. The old man is beyond sentiment, as he is beyond proving
himself to anyone, and this is what rescues the venture from meaningless
sacrifice or wanton slaughter. It is the fisherman's ability to accept
the inevitability of the struggle, without sentiment and without
moralizing, that invests the venture with nobility. "Fish," he said, "I
love you and respect you very much. But I will kill you dead before this
day ends." [53]
From Olmsted to Faulkner and Hemingway by way of
mountain climbers seems a tortuous route, but it is not nearly so
indirect as first appearances suggest. The first step is detachment from
conventional expectations and imposed obligation, for which the natural
setting is a stimulus and a context. The sense of detachment that
engagement with nature stimulates brings to the surface atavistic
longings, while the "ethical" structure of activities like fishing and
mountaineering constrains that atavism from becoming a mere will to
conquer. The strong attraction of nature for denizens of modern
industrial society draws its power from these elements. Engagement with
nature provides an opportunity for detachment from the submissiveness,
conformity, and mass behavior that dog us in our daily lives; it offers
a chance to express distinctiveness and to explore our deeper longings.
At the same time, the settingby exposing us to the awesomeness of
the natural world in the context of "ethical" recreationmoderates
the urge to prevail without destroying the vitality that gives rise to
it: to face what is wild in us and yet not revert to savagery.
From this perspective, what distinguishes a national
park idea from a merely generalized interest in nature may be the
special role that the nature park plays as an institution within
a developed and industrialized society, in contrast to those traditions
in which nature is offered as an alternative to society. The setting of
the national park provides an opportunity for respite, contrast
contemplation, and affirmation of values for those who live most of
their lives in the workaday world.
Unlike the pure pastoral tradition, the park does not
proffer a utopian community of escape to a life of perfect harmony,
forever free of conflict and besetting human passions. [54] Neither does it resemble what Henry Nash
Smith, in his fine book Virgin Land, calls the myth of the West,
an image of life beyond the frontier of civilization. [55] The failed western hero in American
literature as Smith makes clear, was an anarchic figure, a symbol of
freedom beyond law and beyond constraint, modeled on an antithesis
between nature and civilization. Conversely, the preservationist
tradition in the national parks movement proposes no permanent escape
from society to a utopian wilderness. Olmsted certainly was a civilized
man, and much of his professional work was devoted to the design of
urban parks for urban people. "We want," he said, "a ground to which
people may easily go after their day's work is done . . . the greatest
possible contrast with the streets and the shops and the rooms of the
town. . . . We want, especially, the greatest possible contrast with the
restraining and confining conditions of the town. . . " [56] The same is true of the American nature
writers. John Muir sought to build no communities in the mountains he
tramped. [57] Just as Hemingway's fictional
Nick Adams must come back from his idyllic fishing trip, so,
characteristically, the modern wilderness pioneer, Bob Marshall, says in
his Alaska journal: "In a week [I shall be back] in Seattle and the
great thumping world. I should be living once more among the accumulated
accomplishments of man. The world . . . cannot live on wilderness,
except incidentally and sporadically." [58]
Engagement with nature as a prescription for man in
society, rather than as a rejection of society, is nowhere more evident
than in the work of Henry David Thoreau. Tameness and wildness are the
terms Thoreau uses to express the tension between submissiveness and
dominance that has emerged as a central motif in the preceding
pages.
"Once or twice," Thoreau says in Walden,
"while I lived at the pond, I found myself ranging the woods, like a
half-starved hound, with a strange abandonment, seeking some kind of
venison which I might devour, and no morsel could have been too savage
for me. The wildest scenes had become unaccountably familiar." [59]
There is something primitive and frightening in these
feelings, and yet something even more frightening in repressing them.
When civilized attitudes tame us to the point that the instinct to
prevail no longer weighs upon us, when we only think of animals as sides
of beef to be eaten, we may do something worse than killing animals; we
obliterate the problem of the kill from our consciousness. The hunter
recognizes the problem because he is in touch with it; the ethical
dilemma is still real for him because he knows the objects of his hunt
face to face. [60] It is therefore not
surprising to find Thoreau, though he himself ultimately abstained from
hunting and fishing, saying that "perhaps the hunter is the greatest
friend of the animals hunted, not excepting the Humane Society." [61] When Thoreau speaks of leaving the gun and
fish pole behind, it is with a hope that we will, having struggled with
the deepest forces in us, ultimately resolve the savage longing. He
recognizes that the satisfaction of fishless days is not something
easily or obviously come by, but is the productat bestof a
lifetime of reaching out for understanding. Those who came to fish at
Walden during his residence, he says, commonly did not think they were
lucky or well paid for their time unless they got a string of fish,
though they had the opportunity of seeing the pond
all the while. They might go there a thousand times before the sediment
of fishing would sink to the bottom and leave their purpose pure; but no
doubt such a clarifying process would be going on all the while. [62]
Thoreau's favorite word is wildness, and perhaps his
most famous phrase "in wildness is the preservation of the world." [63] But plainly wildness does not mean the
unthinking savage to Thoreau, as his revulsion at the primitivism he
encountered in The Maine Woods, [64]
or his uneasiness about the wholly uncultivated woodchopper he describes
in Walden, [65] makes clear. Nor does
it mean a world of untrammeled wilderness, as his attraction to
agricultural pursuits demonstrates. Thoreau never left Concord society
behind him, for he was alwaysboth before and after Waldena
Concord man. He rather escaped the social values and conventions that
dominated the town. He saw the people of Concord bored and boring,
because they have been tamed. [66] And he
sees in the woods around him a world which is characterized by nothing
so much as its resistance to taming.
To be tamed is to be what someone else wants you to
be, to be managed by their expectation of your behavior, to accept their
agenda, to submit to their will, and to be dependent on their knowledge
or largess. Dominance and submissiveness are only two versions of the
same instinct. In "Walking," Thoreau is at his most explicit in setting
our the philosophical thesis that underlies what he says elsewhere:
I love even to see the domestic animals reassert
their native rightsany evidence that they have not wholly lost
their original wild habits and vigor; as when my neighbor's cow breaks
our of her pasture. . . . I rejoice that horses and steers have to be
broken before they can be made the slaves of men. [67]
Thoreau, unlike the "nature writers" with whom he is
usually associated, conceives his response to nature in a form that is
distinctively applicable to the situation of civilized society. We are
at our best when we have not been tamed into the passivity of stock
responses, of dependency, of insulation from intensity of experience.
[68] To be willing to fish or climb without
an audience; to be able to draw satisfaction from a walk in the woods,
without calling on others for entertainment; to be content with a
fishless day, demanding no string of fish to be counted and displayed:
These are the characteristics of an individual who has "refined"
wildness without taming it into the personality of the mass man. What
the fisherman feels lying at the side of the brook watching the bubbles,
or the mountain climber experiences as "purity of consciousness," are
each versions of what psychologists describe in terms of personality as
a "wonderful capacity to appreciate again and again, freshly and naively
the basic goods of life, with awe, pleasure, wonder, and even ecstasy,
however stale these experiences may have become to others." [69] Thoreau's writingsdirected to his
neighbors, living lives of "quiet desperation"reveal the
experience of one who pursues his own style, unencumbered by the
preconceptions or expectations of others, finding the world, even in its
most mundane elements, endlessly interesting because he approaches it
intensely and searchingly.
The fundamental claim for what may be called
reflective or contemplative recreation, then, is as an experimental test
of an ethical proposition. Such recreation tests the will to dominate
and the inclination to submissiveness, and repays their transcendence
with profound gratification. Plainly such activities are not limited by
any specific forms. They range from the purely contemplative wanderer in
the woods who, like Thoreau or John Muir, has the capacity to detach
himself from social convention and structured activity, to the agile
climber arduously working his way to the meaning of the summit. Nor is
the setting of nature an indispensable precondition. There is, for
example, a strong commonality between the writings examined here and
that of the Zen approach to sports. That literature too emphasizes
intensity, skill development as an intermediate end, introspection,
andmost significantlya focus on the battle within. The
classic work on the subject is Eugen Herrigel's Zen in the Art of
Archery, and it parallels the nature literature quite closely. [70] Herrigel's work is devoted to the
compelling proposition that "the art of archery means a profound and
far-reaching contest of the archer with himself." [71] The author describes the culmination of his
training as that moment when he finally understood the artless art of
feeling "so secure in ourselves" that neither the score, not the
spectators, not any external element remained important to him. [72]
While nature is not a uniquely suitable setting, it
seems to have a peculiar power to stimulate us to reflectiveness by its
awesomeness and grandeur, its complexity, the unfamiliarity of
untrammeled ecosystems to urban residents, and the absence of
distractions. The special additional claim for nature as a setting is
that it not only promotes self-understanding, but also an understanding
of the world in which we live. Our initial response to nature is often
awe and wonderment: trees that have survived for millennia; a profusion
of flowers in the seeming sterility of the desert; predator and prey
living in equilibrium. These marvels are intriguing, but their appeal is
not merely aesthetic. Nature is also a successful model of many things
that human communities seek: continuity, stability and sustenance,
adaptation, sustained productivity, diversity, and evolutionary change.
The frequent observations that natural systems renew themselves without
exhaustion of resources, that they thrive on tolerance for diversity,
and they resist the arrogance of the conqueror all seem to give
confirmation to the intuitions of the contemplative recreationist.
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