Chapter 9:
Familiar Themes, Traditional Battles, and a New Seriousness
The "romantic movement" of the early 19th century has
long worked itself out as a cultural dominant, yet, for many of their
keenest supporters, parks are still viewed as the living embodiment of
romantic values. . . . Their delicious dream is proving increasingly
hard to reconcile not only with an ever less romantic and more crowded
world, but with the realistic tasks of park acquisition and park
management.
E. Max Nicholson, Convener,
International Biological Program,
British Nature Conservancy, 1972
We can take only momentary pride in the achievements
of the national park movement's first 100 years when we realize that in
the second 100 years the fate of mankind possibly hangs in the
balance.
Nathaniel P. Reed, 1972
Despite rain and near-freezing temperatures,
delegates to the Second World Conference on National Parks were
enthusiastic. Even though the rain turned to sleet, few abandoned their
places beside the Madison Junction in Yellowstone National Park. After
all, the main event of the evening was to be of special significance.
Exactly 102 years ago to the day, on September 19, 1870, the members of
the celebrated Washburn Expedition had encircled their campfire on this
very spot, and, according to the diary of Nathaniel Pitt Langford,
immediately dedicated themselves to the protection of Yellowstone as a
great national park. That professional historians had discredited
Langford's account of the trip was immaterial to the moment at hand;
like all popular movements the national park idea might also have its
heroes and legends. Now the first lady of the United States, Mrs.
Richard M. Nixon, accompanied by the secretary of the interior, Rogers
C. B. Morton, was about to pay tribute to the Yellowstone Centennial by
relighting, symbolically, the beacon of that renowned encampment.
"Regardless of whether or not it is raining," she said, aware of the
crowd's discomfort, "this has been a wondrous day for me, and I hope it
has been for our delegates from abroad." She now turned and held aloft a
large flame. "With the lighting of this torch," Secretary Morton
remarked, interpreting her gesture, "we hereby rededicate Yellowstone
National Park to a second century of service for the peoples of the
world." [1]
Few celebrations during the centennial year did more
to link both the past and present of the national park idea. As
symbolized by the presence of Mrs. Nixon, national parks had become a
revered American institution; from the White House down the United
States took pride in the knowledge that it was both the inventor and
exporter of the national park idea. The inconsistencies of the Washburn
Expedition aside, major newspapers, magazines, television networks, and
government reports told and retold its story literally in heroic terms.
[2] The explorers "could not have
anticipated," one said, "that their idea would flower into a new
dimension of the American dream and would capture the imagination of men
around the world." [3] While Americans must
seek the roots of Western civilization abroad, by the same token the
world must come to the United States to pay homage to the birthplace of
the national park idea. Mrs. Nixon's rededication of Yellowstone to the
world thus affirmed that Yellowstone was America'sand America's
aloneto so dedicate.
Under the circumstances, Americans might overlook
that the national park idea as originally conceived had been a response
to romantic emotions rather than ecological needs. Even as the nation
celebrated the Yellowstone Centennial, limitations long imposed on the
national park system had already sparked more than a decade of
discussion and controversy. In 1962 Rachel Carson, a respected
naturalist and biologist, gave the so-called environmental decade of the
1960s powerful momentum with the publication of her best-selling book
Silent Spring. Originally serialized in The New Yorker
magazine, Silent Spring reached millions of Americans with its
warning that the continued use of chemical pesticides spelled possible
catastrophe for the natural world. For the first time in history, Carson
noted, "every human being" was being "subjected to contact with
dangerous chemicals, from the moment of conception until death." Her
most chilling scenarios described the growing concentrations of
persistent pesticides found in the bodies of animals higher and higher
up the food chain. Already those concentrations had proven lethal to
birds and fish, she argued: "Man, however much he may like to pretend to
the contrary, is [also] part of nature. Can he escape a pollution that
is now so thoroughly distributed throughout our our world?" [4] The startling implications of her question
for the national parks sank gradually into the American mind. If no
environment was immune from chemical poisoning, it followed that even
the most remote corners of the American wilderness had already suffered
damage from toxic substances.
The publication of Silent Spring in 1962
coincided with the First World Conference on National Parks, convened at
the Seattle World's Fair during the first week in July. Sixty-three
nations sent delegates; the only countries conspicuously absent were
Communist nations, with the exception of Poland. [5] In keeping with Rachel Carson's message, the
theme of the conference was distinctly global and ecumenical. Indeed
"the problem of conserving nature is not a local matter," the editor of
the conference proceedings later wrote, "because nature does not respect
political boundaries. The birds winging their way southward over Europe
neither know, nor care, whether they are passing above a Common Market
or a group of feudal duchies." Nature paid "no heed" to such "political
or social agreements, particularly those that seek to divide the world
into compartments. It has beenand always will beall
inclusive." [6]
That common perception of the 1960s carried through
to the Second World Conference on National Parks, held in 1972 in
observance of the Yellowstone Centennial. Among those who addressed the
gathering in a somber vein was Nathaniel P. Reed, U.S. assistant
secretary of the interior in charge of fish, wildlife, and parks. "We
would be deluding ourselves," he remarked, "if we did not recognize that
with the joy of this occasion there is also sorrow over man's abuse of
this lonely planetand even well-founded foreboding over the future
of man." Reed obviously had been influenced not only by Rachel Carson
but by the equally grim warnings of Dr. Paul Ehrlich, a professor of
biology at Stanford University. In his own best-selling monograph,
The Population Bomb, Ehrlich predicted in 1968 that unchecked
population growth would soon engulf the world with hordes of hungry,
ignorant, and desperate people. In their urge simply to survive, he
maintained, they would destroy not only the environment but practically
any hope of international cooperation and world peace. By September
1971, on the eve of the Yellowstone Centennial, The Population
Bomb was in its twenty-fifth printing. "Nothing could be more
misleading to our children than our present affluent society," Ehrlich
still argued in his introduction. "They will inherit a totally different
world, a world in which the standards, politics, and economics of the
past decade are dead." [7]
The impact of expanding human populations on forests,
grasslands, and other wildlife habitat testified to the futility of
trying to establish national parks with enough territory to protect all
of their resident species of flora and fauna. Time and again throughout
the 1970s, this consequence of overpopulation became the theme of
scientific reports. Even the United States could no longer take refuge
in "continental vastness," wrote a panel of scholars working on behalf
of the Conservation Foundation. In its own centennial study, National
Parks for the Future, the foundation listed many of the problems
working against the establishment of national parks with boundaries
adequate for the protection of biological resources. Undoubtedly the
greatest problem was the failure of the United States to confront the
reality of its evolution into "an urban nation." The romance of its
frontier origins aside, the United States was "becoming ever more
urbanized." The sharpness of that familiar warning, reminiscent of the
Census Report of 1890, lay in the realization that overpopulation in the
1970s was no longer a theory but a phenomenon whose pressures could
finally be seen and experienced. For the first time, the foundation's
panelists agreed, the United States itself had to deal squarely with the
same "confinement, lack of opportunity, and environmental insult" that
were characteristic of the Industrial Revolution in other countries.
Pollution and overcrowding, as the end products "a specialized,
technological age," were tangible proof that the United States had also
sacrificed its frontier innocence for the problems and complexities of
the modern world. [8]
Seen from this perspective, the Yellowstone
Conference merely reaffirmed what many people had already
arguedthe care and management of natural resources could no longer
be successful if practiced piecemeal by individual countries. Ecological
laws transcended synthetic political boundaries. There was, as a result,
at least one reason for optimism; more than eighty nations, including
Russia, were represented at the Second World Conference on National
Parks, as opposed to only sixty-three countries listing delegates at the
original meeting in 1962. It was further noted that the number of
national parks and "equivalent reserves" around the globe in 1972
totaled more than 1,200 separate areas, truly an impressive figure. [9] Meanwhile, that each national park in
particular could be traced back to the United States only swelled the
nation's pride and sense of accomplishment as it celebrated the
Yellowstone Centennial year.
Indeed, that many countries still looked to the
United States for leadership in preservation was borne out by the First
and Second World Conferences on National Parks. Both praised America's
invention of the national park idea. Yet whether or not the United
States would continue to set high standards for world conservation was a
question still open to debate. For example, biologists worldwide had
repeatedly stressed the importance of setting aside large tracts of
territory if wildlife in particular was to survive.
Still, many members of the world community had simply
followed America's nineteenth-century example by preserving only their
most marginal tracts of land. Possible exceptions, most notably the
African game parks, often owed their establishment and survival to
economic ends rather than deep-seated environmental concern. In the
pattern of the "See America First" campaign, African governments had
also recognized the advantages of attracting wealthy foreign tourists
into the reserves. Efforts to protect wildlife for its own sake,
especially wildlife whose dependence on remoteness from civilization
meant that the animals might never be seen by tourists, was the last
thing government officials endorsed. If ever the flow of tourist dollars
were to be interrupted for extended periods, it followed that the parks
themselves might just as easily be sacrificed, either intentionally or
simply through neglect. [10]
Around the world, as in the United States, the least
controversial approach to preservation was the protection of monumental
scenery. The Second World Conference on National Parks itself conceded
that limitation while addressing the establishment of "world parks" to
be administered under the auspices of the United Nations. Delegates to
the conference frequently stressed the importance of protecting the most
productive ecosystems on the planet, especially tropical rain forests
rich in countless species of plant, insect, and wild animal life. [11] Recommendations that seemed so obvious
intellectually, however, were far more difficult to effect politically.
It was one thing to suggest that nation states such as Brazil and the
Philippines should protect their rain forests, quite another to imply
that neither had the right to dispose of its natural resources as each
saw fit.
The conference instead endorsed Antarctica as the
first international reserve. Its uniqueness as an ecosystem aside, the
overriding advantage was political. Existing international treaties had
agreed that Antarctica was to be shared by the nations of the world in
the interest of science. Moreover, many scientists themselves shared the
widespread popular belief that most of the territory's natural wealth
was locked under thousands of feet of ice. The preservation of
Antarctica was less likely to be opposed because the lands in question
appeared worthless at the outset and, for all intents and purposes,
seemed certain to remain worthless in the future. [12]
Mounting threats to the national parks of the United
States again underscored how attitudes toward even Antarctica might
change if its resources proved both abundant and accessible. In the two
decades preceding the Yellowstone Centennial, debate about the future of
the Colorado River basin in the American Southwest especially dramatized
the impermanence of national park status. In 1950 the Bureau of
Reclamation unveiled a proposal to erect two high dams across the
Colorado River as part of a comprehensive plan to manage water resources
the length of the basin. The first dam was to be at Split Mountain, in
the northeastern corner of Utah, and the second at Echo Park, just
upstream in the northwestern corner of Colorado. The source of the
controversy was the location of both potential reservoirs within
Dinosaur National Monument, straddling the boundary between the two
states. [13]
Thoroughly alarmed, preservationists joined forces in
Washington, D.C., to protest the inundation of the national monument.
Another highpoint of the campaign was the publication in 1955 of This
Is Dinosaur. Noted contributors to the book of essays included its
editor, the historian and novelist Wallace Stegner, and its publisher,
Alfred A. Knopf. Stunning illustrations by Philip Hyde, Martin Litton,
and other photographers complemented the text of what later came to be
recognized as a model for the so-called battle books published
throughout the 1960s by organizers of the environmental movement. [14]
In a compromise struck in 1956, Dinosaur National
Monument was spared. Not until 1963 did preservationists fully
appreciate the price of that agreement with the completion of the Glen
Canyon dam, just upstream from Grand Canyon National Park and
neighboring Marble Canyon. By the time preservationists came to
recognize Glen Canyon's own remarkable qualifications for national park
status, its redemption from the dam builders was out of the question.
The Bureau of Reclamation merely shifted, but did not abandon, its dam
building efforts. The cost of saving Dinosaur National Monument was the
sacrifice of much of the rest of the Colorado River basin, including
Glen Canyon. Downstream from Glen Canyon only Marble Canyon and the
Grand Canyon remained untouched, and by 1963 even those monumental
landscapes had been threatened with the construction of large
reservoirs. [15]
Unlike Glen Canyon, the Grand Canyon was ostensibly
protected, on its upstream or eastern side as a national park, and
farther westward as a national monument. The establishment of the
national park in 1919, however, had reserved to the federal government
the prerogative of later relinquishing portions of the chasm for
water-storage projects. That was the option exercised by the Bureau of
Reclamation during the early 1960s in calling for the construction of
two large reservoirs in the canyon. One of the high dams was planned for
Bridge Canyon, downstream from the national monument. The flood pool
itself still would back up through the monument and well into the park.
The second dam site in Marble Canyon would not affect either the
national monument or national park; nevertheless, preservationists
argued that Marble Canyon itself was an integral part of the Grand
Canyon ecosystem and should therefore be included within the adjoining
national park. [16]
The ecological argument against the dams sought to
demonstrate the interdependence of the Colorado River, its canyons, and
its interlocking tributaries. Upstream, the construction of the Glen
Canyon dam had already blocked the normal flow of water and suspended
silt into the Grand Canyon; gradually the impact of that blockage could
be detected in the erosion of sandbars along the river, as well as in
the increasing density of shoreline vegetation no longer subject to
removal by periodic flooding. [17] In the
heat of battle, however, ecology was a difficult subject to explain to
the American public. People at large responded far more emotionally and
vociferously to the pending loss of the Grand Canyon as the supreme
scenic spectacle of the continent.
In that respect, the defeat of the Grand Canyon dams
in 1968 occurred on a note of irony. Confronted with the necessity of
arousing public outcry against the dams, preservationists consistently
appealed to the nation's historical prejudice for monumental scenery. To
save the canyon, in other words, it seemed at times that preservation
interests would have to sacrifice everything else. One popular argument,
for example, suggested that coal-fired or nuclear power plants would
more than compensate for the loss of hydroelectricity from each of the
proposed dams. [18] Only when the
exploitation of the coal fields in the region began in earnest did the
cost of such trade-offs become apparent. Saved from the dam builders
below, the Grand Canyon was now threatened by the emissions of the new
power plants from above. [19] As a
monumental landscape the Grand Canyon had survived; as an ecosystem its
future was still seriously in doubt.
Emissions from the growing concentration of
coal-fired power plants in the Southwest became especially noticeable
during the mid-1970s. In February 1975, for example, Philip Fradkin, an
environmental writer for the Los Angeles Times, reported
reductions in visibility at not only the Grand Canyon but Zion, Bryce,
and Cedar Breaks National Monument. "The view from Inspiration Point in
Bryce Canyon was hardly inspiring," he wrote. "To the right of Navajo
Mountain was the visible plume from the Navajo power plant at Page,
Arizona." Two additional stations planned for the region would also soon
be covering the parklands with layer upon layer "of gray-blue and
yellow-brown smog." [20]
Few revelations demonstrated more pointedly how the
situation of the national parks had dramatically changed since the late
nineteenth century. Never again could preservationists take comfort in
the vision of a boundary separating a park from the impact of
civilization. Air pollution alone proved conclusively that whatever
boundaries may have existed between the parks and modern America were
fast disappearing. Supposedly pollution was a phenomenon of the city.
That dirty air now drifted deep into the American wilderness confirmed
that the national parks had become as dependent on the lifestyle of
their neighbors as on the conscience of their friends.
In the 1970s the problem of educating the American
public about the threat of air pollution over the national parks was
much like the predicament of trying to defend the Grand Canyon as an
ecosystem during the 1960s. The changes to the parks caused by air
pollution were basically incremental and therefore difficult to
illustrate. Historically, both preservationists and the public responded
with far greater intensity to threats against the national parks of a
more direct and immediate nature. Monumentalism, however dated, was
still far more easily understood than ecology. The announcement in
mid-1975 of stepped-up mining operations in Death Valley National
Monument, extractions allowed under the monument's enabling legislation
of 1933, was another example of a battle cry that aroused Americans
because the threat to Death Valley was simultaneously traditional,
visible, and immediate. "Thank God these same people weren't guarding
Michelangelo's Pieta or Rembrandt's Night Watch," an irate
reader of the Los Angeles Times wrote, striking the popular
chord. "They would still be engaged in some endless discussion on how to
limit the damage. . . . I shudder to think," he concluded, summing up a
century of preservationists' fears, "that there may be borax or oil in
the Grand Canyon." [21]
Again the strength of the allusion was its
simplicity. The pending changes to Death Valley were not incremental
and, as a result, could not be as easily discounted in the public mind.
Most environmental issues, by way of contrast, invited public apathy.
Each had its own complexity and core of special data; just to understand
the problem required scientific knowledge beyond the training of the
average citizen. Above all, many environmental issues seemed to have no
solution in the first place. Pessimism and a sense of helplessness often
characterized discussions of overpopulation and pollution. These were
not simply threats to a specific place within the United States alone
but dilemmas suggesting that both the nation and the world needed to
make radical changes in contemporary lifestyles and social values.
The Grand Canyon dams controversy of the 1960s
averted public indifference because preservationists appealed directly
to the chasm's symbolic importance rather than to its still intangible
values as an ecosystem. "If we can't save the Grand Canyon," asked David
Brower, executive director of the Sierra Club, "what the hell can we
save?" [22] Here was language any American
could well understand. In rebuttal, the Bureau of Reclamation relied on
the standard argument that the enjoyment of national parks by a few
wilderness enthusiasts at the expense of many people who needed water
and power was elitist. The dams would also allow visitors in motorboats,
not merely those hardy people who floated the Colorado River in rubber
rafts to enjoy the scenic beauty of the inner canyon. The Sierra Club
replied in 1966 through the publication of a series of full-page
newspaper advertisements, the most famous of which carried the following
headline: "SHOULD WE ALSO FLOOD THE SISTINE CHAPEL SO TOURISTS CAN GET
NEARER THE CEILING?" [23] Considered in
light of the nation's long-standing insistence that its national parks
were a source of cultural identity and pride, no analogy could have been
used more effectively. Indeed, its impact was borne out on July 31,
1968, when Congress struck down the bureau's proposal.
Like similar decisions in the past, however,
Congress's rejection of the Grand Canyon dams did not lead to a lasting
precedent for the protection of national parks in the future. Barely
within the decade, mining activity in Death Valley National Monument
served notice that the national park system as a whole was still not
safe in perpetuity. In 1971 Tenneco, the largest producer of borates,
talc, and other minerals in Death Valley, stepped up operations on its
claims just inside the boundaries of the national monument. "The main
impact on the monument," Nathaniel P. Reed, assistant secretary of the
interior, reported to Congress in 1975, "is the use of open pit
methods." The company's Boraxo pit, Reed noted, "now is some 3,000 feet
by 600 feet and is 220 feet deep, while its Sigma pit is 500 by 400
feet, and is more than 75 feet deep." Not only were both mines "being
enlarged"; more alarmingly, "the spoil or waste dumps" had become
"highly visible from the scenic road to the Dante's View overlook."
Fortunately, he concluded, the biggest deposits of borates "in the same
general area of the monument" had "not been developed for production as
yet." [24]
Growing opposition to the mining during the summer
and fall of 1975 led to congressional hearings on legislation to
prohibit further entry into the six existing national parks and
monuments, including Death Valley, where mining claims could still be
filed. [25] On all previous claims, however,
such as Tenneco's Boraxo and Sigma pits in Death Valley National
Monument, operations would still be allowed. Similarly, Reed recommended
to Congress that Glacier Bay National Monument in Alaska, with its
important stores of nickel and copper, also remain "open" pending a
study of the magnitude of those deposits to be completed in 1978 by the
U.S. Bureau of Mines. [26]
Predictably, the compromises proved unsatisfactory to
preservation interests. Representative John F. Seiberling of Ohio, for
example, sponsor of the legislation to curb the mining, noted the
paradox of telling the public that Death Valley "is to be preserved and
even collecting rocks is not allowed," while, "at the same time,"
legally permitting "huge economic interests for their own personal
profit to go in and rip it off." Charles Clusen, testifying before
Congress on behalf of the Sierra Club, wholeheartedly supported
Seiberling's indignation. "[Even] if these were the last borates and
talc," Clusen said,"even if there was no substitute for their use, we
must still ask if this gives us the right to destroy the one and only
Death Valley that we have." Eventually the United States would have to
"come to grips with the fact that there are finite supplies of minerals,
and that we cannot allow the destruction of everything we treasure in
the pursuit of those resources." [27]
Representatives of the affected mining companies,
supported by their own champions in Congress, proposed the more
traditional solutioneliminating the disputed claims from the
monument altogether. Toward that end Representative Joe Skubitz of
Kansas, for example, asked rhetorically whether cutting "that area
completely out of the monument" would "do irreparable damage." Arguing
that the excision would not injure the park, Representative Philip E.
Ruppe of Michigan observed that the lands currently affected amounted to
only four thousand acres, but .2 percent of the entire monument: "Who
cares then if they mine 4,000 acres? . . . If one mined the whole 4,000
acres, does one make an appreciable dent in either the geology or
ecology of Death Valley?" Concluding his own testimony, Robert E.
Kendall, executive vice president of the United States Borax and
Chemical Corporation, answered that the impact of the mining was indeed
minimal. He nonetheless recommended that Congress consider the obvious
solution to the whole problem, namely, "a realignment of monument
boundaries to exclude areas of low scenic value and high mineral value."
Similar alignments might also "be the most practical approach to easing
the adverse reaction to mining within units of the national park system"
elsewhere in the country. At least in Death Valley, Kendall argued,
outright removal of the affected claims offered "a better solution" by
insuring that "this highly valuable borate area [is] out of the park, so
it is not in conflict with national park objectives." [28]
Although Kendall reassured Congress that his
company's large mine at Boron, 110 miles southwest of Death Valley,
would meet current levels of demand for borates well into the future,
his concession did nothing to dilute the seriousness of his attack on
the principle of park integrity. "Does it not destroy the integrity of
our park system," Congressman Seiberling asked, driving home the point,
"that every time somebody comes up with a new mineral deposit within the
park, to say that we will solve the problem, we will just change the
boundary?" "I don't think that," Kendall replied, finding additional
support for his point of view by citing the history of Death Valley
National Monument. "In 1933 when the park was created, a portion of the
eastern border was shifted so as to exclude an existing mining
operation." [29]
For preservationists, the issue still was not that
Death Valley had already been mined in the past or that its unmined
portions might be spared development until sometime in the
futurethe point was that the national monument should never
have been burdened with those compromises in the first place. As a
result, there was little for preservationists to applaud in the
legislation signed by President Gerald R. Ford on September 28, 1976,
which ostensibly had been introduced in Congress to prohibit
mining in Death Valley. In fact the law did little more than regulate
the miners, who might continue excavation on all claims worked prior to
February 29, 1976. The stipulation in effect sanctioned the open-pit
mining that had aroused the public the previous year. The secretary of
the interior was further required to identify those portions of the
monument that might be abolished outright "to exclude significant
mineral deposits and to decrease possible acquisition costs." [30] Those portions of Death Valley that
survived, in short, apparently would contain nothing of lasting economic
value.
The threatened realignment of Death Valley National
Monument further testified to the unspoken criterion that national parks
could not be justified on the basis of ecological principles alone.
Indeed, the plea of George Catlin in 1832 for "A nation's Park,"
replete with Indians and wild animals of the plains, was significant not
only as the first recorded statement of the national park ideait
was all the more notable as the exception to the rule in the evolution
of parks themselves. The national park idea evolved out of the concern
for natural wonders as monuments rather than from an appreciation of the
value of landscape in its broadest sense, both animate and inanimate.
From the standpoint of both geography and plant life, Catlin's proposal
was revolutionary. As late as 1985, the United States had yet to
establish a national park devoted exclusively to the protection of
America's grasslands and their fauna. [31]
Even where the United States had come closest to the
ideal of biological conservation, as in the Florida Everglades, the
reluctance of Congress to protect enough territory at the outset
threatened the longevity of the respective areas. During the late 1960s
the Everglades itself was once more threatened, this time by ground
breaking for a huge jetport immediately adjacent to the park's northern
perimeter. Before the project was halted in 1970, an entire runway had
been cleared and graded. [32] The struggle
in part led to passage of the Big Cypress National Preserve four years
later. With its approval Congress recognized the legitimacy of fears
that Everglades National Park could not survive without protecting its
flow of fresh water from the north, particularly from Big Cypress. [33] Yet again, neither Congress's denial of the
jetport nor passage of the bill to protect the freshwater preserve had
committed the federal government to preserving the integrity of the
national park system as a whole. No sooner had the jetport in the
Everglades been thwarted than developers advanced a similar scheme in
Jackson Hole. [34] Moreover, mining,
hunting, grazing, drainage, agriculture, fishing, trapping, and other
traditionally unacceptable uses of the national parks were only to be
regulated rather than abolished outright in Big Cypress. [35]
Because Big Cypress was not considered a national
park in its own right, however, but more accurately a measure of
insurance for one, the compromises were overlooked. In either case, the
regulation of noncompatible activities in Big Cypress as preferable to
no regulation at all. Somewhat the same philosophy lay behind the trend
to national recreation areas, scenic rivers, national lakeshores,
parkways, and urban preserves. If few were national parks in the
traditional sense, they were methods of luring purely recreational
interests away from overused areas such as Yosemite and Yellowstone.
The ecological issues raised by the Yellowstone
Conference, however, were still far from being resolved. The studies
which had grown out of the centennial observance had been
uncompromisingthere was nothing romantic about survival. The
failure of the national parks to preserve representative examples of the
earth's life zones conceivably had jeopardized the future of man himself
by limiting his field for scientific study and experimentation. In
Yellowstone, Mt. McKinley, and Glacier national parks, for example, the
pressure of human numbers threatened extinction of the grizzly bear. [36] Belated efforts to expand Redwood National
Park by forty-eight thousand acres further demonstrated how often the
national parks had been denied from the start enough territory to
protect an entire ecosystem. [37]
America's historical preoccupation with monumentalism
masked the nation's failure to establish national parks of
unquestionable ecological significance. In what was seen as the final
opportunity for the United States to protect a complete ecological
record, throughout the 1970s preservationists proposed national park
status for tens of millions of acres of the public domain in Alaska. Yet
even in the forty-ninth state, the Conservation Foundation warned,
resource interests were determined to restrict parklands "to lands
covered with ice and snow," despite the contention of ecologists that
the reserves "should extend to adjacent lowlands as well." [38]
Preservationists still confronted the paradox of
their own achievements. For one hundred years the success of the
national parks movement lay in its concentration on protecting unique
scenery. Now that preservationists understood the necessity of designing
the reserves along ecological boundaries as well, they first had to undo
the national parks image they themselves had once helped encourage. [39] Because the nation's fascination with
rugged scenery had made few demands on the material progress of the
United States, however, broadening the concept of the national park
would be difficult. The limitation of preservation to rugged terrain
assured developers of either the absence of commercially valuable
resources in the parks or the impracticality of exploiting them. From
the standpoint of natural beauty, of course, spectacular landscapes
hardly struck their admirers as "worthless." But although the national
parks were inspiring, rarely had value judgments based on emotion
overridden the precondition that inspiring scenery must also be
valueless for all but outdoor recreation. Not until the substitution of
environmentalism for romanticism would the American public be reeducated
to understand that the magnificence of the parks physically distracted
attention from their ecological shortcomings. Given the sincerity of
fears that mankind might perish without the knowledge locked up in
wilderness, at least this much seemed certain: The United States could
not afford to wait another hundred years to preserve the land for what
it was instead of what it was not.
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