Chapter 3:
The Early Years in Yellowstone: 1872-1882
HOPES FOR THE NEW PARK WERE HIGH, but the Act which
had brought it into being failed to provide for all contingencies. The
major difficulties that beset the administration of the Yellowstone
National Park during the first decade and a half of its existence can be
traced to the ambiguities and omissions of that legislation.
The administrative structure provided for the
nation's first park was a ramshackle affair. Congress vested exclusive
control of the Park's administration in the Secretary of the Interior,
who was enjoined to make and enforce all regulations necessary to
prevent trespassing; to insure the preservation of the Park from injury
or despoilment; to retain in their natural condition "all timber,
mineral deposits, natural curiosities, or wonders" within the Park, and
to guard against the wanton destruction of the fish and game . . . and
against their capture or destruction for the purposes of merchandise or
profit." [1]
Unfortunately the Act provided no specific laws for
the government of the region; it neither specified offenses nor provided
punishment or legal machinery for the enforcement of such rules as might
be promulgated by the Secretary of the Interior. No appropriation was
made for administering the Park, for constructing roads, or for
protecting the Park from vandalism. One result of this parsimony was
that the first Superintendent was forced to serve without remuneration
and, except for his infrequent visits, the Park was entirely without
supervision.
Nathaniel P. Langford, member and chronicler of the
1870 exploring party, was appropriately appointed the first
Superintendent of the new National Park. He was advised that no attempt
should be made to "beautify or adorn" the reservation, but that he was
at liberty to "apply any moneys which may be received from leases to
carrying out the object of the Act of Congress." [2] No such moneys were forthcoming.
Langford spent several weeks in the Park and the
adjacent country during the summer of 1872 as a member of the Stevenson
division of the Hayden Geological Survey. In tendering a report of his
activities, he urged that all hunting, fishing, and trapping within the
Park, "except for purposes of recreation by visitors and tourists, or
for use by actual residents" be prohibited "under severe penalties." He
realized that no laws or regulations could be enforced without the aid
of courts, and recommended that the Park be attached to Gallatin County,
Montana Territory, for judicial purposes and that the laws of the
Territory be made operative and enforced within Park boundaries. [3] Had this suggestion been followed, the early
administration of the Park might well have been more successful.
Unfortunately, it was ignored by officials in Washington.
The winter following his appointment as
Superintendent, Langford traveled to Washington in a vain attempt to
secure an appropriation from Congress to use in organizing the
administration and instituting improvements within the Park. W. H.
Clagett, delegate in Congress from Montana Territory, listened to
Langford's plea and recommended to the Secretary of the Interior that he
request from Congress an appropriation of $15,000. Both Clagett and
Langford thought that this amount, coupled with the expected revenue
from leases, would be sufficient for some years to come, and Clagett
pledged his full support in obtaining the requested funds. [4] Only a year before, while the bill
establishing the Park was pending in Congress, Hayden, in order to
overcome the argument that annual appropriations would be required for
its care and improvement, had been "compelled to give a distinct pledge"
that he would not "apply for an appropriation for several years at
least." [5] Apparently Langford and Clagett
were not so compelled.
In February, 1873, Acting Secretary of the Interior
B. R. Cowen duly requested that Congress appropriate $15,000 to be used
in constructing wagon roads within the Park, making the area more
attractive to visitors and prospective lessees. Letters from both
Clagett and Langford, explaining the necessity for such an
appropriation, were appended to the request, but their pleas were
ignored by Congress; no appropriation was made, and no government
official resided in the Park during its first winter of existence. [6]
Since the position of Superintendent carried no
salary, Langford devoted most of his activities and time to his position
as National Bank Examiner for the Pacific States and Territories. In the
spring of 1873, he appointed David E. Folsom to the nonpaying position
of Assistant Superintendent. Folsom had been a member of the 1869
expedition and evidently revisited the Park several times during the
summer following his appointment. Through reports received from Folsom,
Langford learned that visitors to the Park had "broken off and carried
away . . . many of the most beautiful formations." Writing to Secretary
Delano, Langford suggested that leases be given to responsible persons
to build roads and hotels. The leaseholders might then aid in
protecting the various wonders from further vandalism, but the
development of roads would first be necessary to lure such responsible
persons to the Park. The absence of any law enforcement machinery was
again mentioned and the first of many pleas for the appointment of a U.
S. Commissioner and "one or two . . . Deputy U. S. Marshals with power
to compel obedience to the Park regulations" was set forth. [7]
Folsom's reports of destruction within the Park were
substantiated by letters from other sources. The culprits included rich
sportsmen like the Earl of Dunraven, who visited the Park in 1874;
hunters who came after meat to sell in neighboring towns; and tourists
from the adjoining Territories. H. R. Horr, a resident within the Park,
wrote that parties were ruthlessly slaughtering deer and elk, taking
only the skin and tongues of the slain animals, and suggested that Jack
Baronett, another settler within the Park, be authorized to "keep
hunters from slaughtering the game," adding, "Besides myself he is the
only one who will hibernate in this National Domain." Governor B. F.
Potts of Montana Territory thought that "national pride should . . .
induce Congress to make a liberal appropriation to employ a resident
Superintendent of the Park and make such roads as are necessary and
preserve from spoliation the numberless curiosities of that wonderful
region." Governor Campbell of Wyoming Territory urged an appropriation
for the survey of the boundaries of the Park. [8] An article appeared in the Avant
Courier (Bozeman), September 26, 1873, claiming that there had been
serious multilation of the various curiosities and, in a petition to the
Secretary of the Interior, citizens of Montana Territory "residing near
the line of the Yellowstone National Park" requested that a Committee of
Congress be appointed to visit the Park in order to better appraise the
need for an appropriation to protect the Park from destruction. [9]
Early in 1874 a rather bizarre plan for the survey
and improvement of the Park was presented to the Secretary of the
Interior by a European-trained landscape architect, Knut Forsberg.
Forsberg recommended a project including several maps, two relief models
of the Park, locations for a National Observatory, Forest Institute, a
National Swimming School, Race Grounds, National Rowing Clubs, Botanical
Gardens, Zoological Gardens, Geological Museums, Health "Cliniques," the
Graffenberger Watercure Institution, and "thousands of grounds for
erecting private villas"the cost he estimated at $132,000. Hayden
thought the plans "too elaborate for the needs of the present time," and
James A. Garfield, Chairman of the House Committee on Appropriations and
later President of the United States, reported that in the committee's
opinion Mr. Forsberg's scheme was "wholly beyond the range of
improvements that the Government ought to undertake," adding, however,
that something should be done to preserve the park area and that, if any
appropriation was necessary, a request for one should be presented soon.
[10]
In response to this suggestion, Secretary Delano
prepared and submitted the draft of a bill that would have extended the
lease period from ten to twenty years, allowed toll roads to be
constructed, and appropriated $100,000 for the construction of public
roads, for a survey of boundaries, and "for such other purposes as may
be deemed necessary." The proposed bill would also have provided a
punishment by fine or imprisonment for any person found violating the
rules or regulations of the Park. Court jurisdiction would be placed
with any judge or commissioner of the federal courts of Montana or
Wyoming Territory and authority to arrest violators was put in the hands
of the U. S. Marshals of the two territories. Accompanying the proposed
bill were letters showing the necessity of such action from Langford,
Hayden, the Governors of Wyoming and Montana Territories, and a petition
signed by seventy-two residents of the Montana Territory. [11]
Clagett's successor, Martin Maginnis, introduced
Secretary Delano's bill into the House, and a like measure was presented
to the Senate by Senator William Windom of Minnesota. The Senate
Committee on Public Lands favorably reported a bill appropriating
$25,000, but neither branch of Congress took further action. [12]
A tour of the Park in the summer of 1874 convinced
Langford that preservation of the area could not be accomplished
"without moneyed aid"; consequently, he once again implored the
Secretary of the Interior to include in his annual estimate for the
Department an appropriation to enable him to construct roads and survey
the boundaries. This time he requested $100,000, and once again he gave
reassurance that such an appropriation would suffice for several years.
Langford's letter was forwarded by the Secretary to James G. Blaine,
Speaker of the House, accompanied by a formal request for $100,000.
Again, an appropriation of $25,000 was recommended by the Senate
Committee on Public Lands, but once again, no appropriation was
forthcoming. [13]
Thus far, no appropriation bill for the Yellowstone
National Park had reached the floor of Congress. But in March, 1875, a
vigorous effort was made on the floor of the House by Representative
Mark H. Dunnell of Minnesota to obtain the much needed appropriation.
Dunnell, who had rendered valuable service in the passage of the
original Yellowstone bill by the House in 1872, now offered a sundry
civil bill amendment which called for an appropriation of $25,000 for
the construction of roads, the surveying of Park boundaries, and such
other purposes as might be deemed necessary by the Secretary of the
Interior. Dunnell's amendment was defeated, with Chairman Garfield
opposing it as being "too early." [14]
On August 28, 1875, Superintendent Langford penned a
last appeal for an appropriation for the Park and asked that such
appropriation be made available for immediate use in order to preserve
the Park from further vandalism. Delegate Maginnis "heartily approved"
the request and added that he had learned from members of the Secretary
of War Belknap's party who had recently toured the Park that "the
spoliations in the Park" were great and that in his opinion, "the
Government should take some action to preserve these wonderful and
beautiful curiosities before it is too late." [15] But once again Congress failed to heed the
request.
Attempting to supervise a large tract of wilderness
with no funds at his disposal for protection or improvement, and no code
of laws by which he could regulate the conduct of visitors to the Park,
Langford found his position as Superintendent largely nominal. The act
establishing the Park clearly defined the purposes for which it was
created: withdrawal of the land from the public domain to prevent
private occupancy and its reservation "for the benefit and enjoyment of
the people," preservation of the natural curiosities, forests, and game
found within its borders, and the allowance of leases and privileges to
provide for the comfort and convenience of visitors. No legal machinery
was provided, no legal code was drawn, no offenses were defined, and no
punishments were decreed. However, the Secretary of the Interior was
authorized to "take all such measures as shall be necessary or proper to
fully carry out the objects and purposes" of the act. With this
provision in mind, Langford forwarded to the Secretary what he
considered to be a comprehensive set of rules and regulations, designed
to prohibit all hunting, fishing, or trapping within the Park; the
cutting of timber without the permission of the Superintendent; the
mutilation of formations or the collection of specimens without the
permission of the Superintendent; it also stipulated that all persons
residing within the Park were to vacate their holdings upon an order to
that effect by the Superintendent. No fires were to be kindled except
when necessary and these were to be fully extinguished. Any violation of
these rules was to be punished with "severe penalties." [16] The "severe penalties" were not enumerated
because there were none.
Langford realized that he was powerless to prevent
violations of the new rules and regulations, and he knew also that no
leases, and hence no money, would be forthcoming until the Park was made
more attractive to prospective lessees. This could be done only with the
aid of appropriations from Congress. Since he served without pay, he
never suggested the use of paid police or assistants to enforce the
rules. Instead, he thought that once the places of interest were leased
to responsible parties, it would be to their benefit and profit to stop
the vandalism themselves. But responsible parties seeking leases did not
appear. Not until roads were constructed and hotel facilities completed
would travelers venture into the "Wonderland." Left thus without the
necessary appropriations and with no means of enforcing the few
prohibitory rules and regulations, the Park's first Superintendent moved
to St. Paul, Minnesota, and devoted his attention to his duties as bank
examiner for the Pacific States and Territories. He made no annual
report to the Secretary of the Interior after 1872, and his last
official letter to the Department was written in 1875. Langford's
greatest contribution to the National Park System is not to be found in
those five years he was the chief administrator of the Yellowstone, but
rather in the few years preceding the establishment of the Park. He was
one of the organizers of the expedition that discovered the wonders of
the area in 1870, and it was he who, through a series of magazine
articles and lectures, made them known to the world. He is entitled to
great credit for his efforts in the creation and preservation of the
Park. If his administration seemed inept and inefficient, the blame
rests not upon him, but upon Congress.
Langford's prohibitory rules did not prevent or
reduce the acts of destruction then under way within the Park. General
W. E. Strong, traveling with Secretary of War Belknap in 1875, noted the
disappearance of elk, deer, and mountain sheep from within the Park, and
stated that "During the last five years the game has been slaughtered by
the thousands of hunters who killed them for their hides alone"an
elk skin bringing about six dollars on the market at that time. After
observing that "over four thousand [elk] were killed last winter by
professional hunters in the Mammoth Springs basin alone, their carcasses
and branching antlers can be seen on every hillside and in every
valley," Strong thought it an outrage and "a crying shame that this
indiscriminate slaughter . . . should be permitted." Recalling the fact
that the laws of the Park authorized the Secretary of the Interior to
protect the "game against wanton destruction," the indignant General
joined the growing list of critics who were blaming the hapless Langford
for the conditions in the Park by adding, "Even those who were so active
in the creation of the Park seem to have forgotten their child." [17] The report of another military figure
visiting the Park at this time gave credence to the General's remarks.
Captain William Ludlow wrote:
Hunters have for years devoted themselves to the
slaughter of game, until within the limits of the park it is hardly to
be found. I was credibly informed . . . that during the winter of 1874
and 1875 . . . no less than from 1,500 to 2,000 of these [elk] were
destroyed within a radius of 15 miles of Mammoth Springs . . . the skins
only were taken . . . a continuance of this whole sale and wasteful
butchery can have but one effect, viz, the extermination of the animal.
[18]
The attractions of the Park were being decimated by
more than skin hunters, however. Members of the Ludlow party witnessed
the destructive propensities of visitors who, despite the absence of
facilities, had come (mostly on horseback with pack animals) to view the
marvels of the region. In his journal entry of August 23, 1875, Captain
Ludlow described the wonders of an unnamed geyser and stated:
The only blemish on this artistic handiwork had been
occasioned by the rude hand of man. The ornamental work about the crater
and the pools had been broken and defaced in the most prominent places
by visitors, and the pebbles were inscribed in pencil with the names of
great numbers of the most unimportant persons. . . . The visitors
prowled about with shovel and ax, chopping and hacking and prying up
great pieces of the most ornamental work they could find; women and men
alike joining in the barbarous pastime.
At another geyser formation, the party came upon "two
women, with tucked-up skirts and rubber shoes, armed, one with an ax,
the other with a spade, who were climbing about." Upon returning to
their camp, they were "just in time to prevent the fall of an uplifted
ax, which a woman was evidently about to bring straight down on the
summit" of another geyser cone. Ludlow noted that there was no one
present in the geyser basins "with authority to stop the
devastation."
Not satisfied with merely describing the wholesale
destruction of game and vandalism to the geysers, Captain Ludlow set
forth some suggestions for the management and administration of the
Park. He urged that Congress appropriate funds to survey the boundary of
the Park and to construct roads and bridges. Visitors to the Park area
should be strictly forbidden to kill any game and any hunters
apprehended "should have their arms and spoils confiscated," besides
being liable to prosecution. More important was his suggestion that the
Yellowstone National Park be turned over to the United States Army for
needed protection. He believed that:
The cure for . . . unlawful practices and undoubted
evils can only be found in a thorough mounted police of the park. In the
absence of any legislative provision for this, recourse can most readily
be had to the already-existing facilities afforded by the presence of
troops in the vicinity and by the transfer of the park to the control of
the War Department. Troops should be stationed to act as guards at the
lake, the Mammoth Springs, and especially in the Geyser Basin.
This recommendation came six years before General W.
T. Sherman made a similar suggestion, eight years before its
Congressional recognition, and eleven years before it became a fact.
Looking to the future, Captain Ludlow prophetically added, "the day will
come, and it cannot be far distant, when this most interesting region .
. . will be rendered accessible to all; and then, thronged with visitors
from all over the world, it will be what nature and Congress, for once
working together in unison, have declared it should be, a national
park." [19]
Ludlow's suggestion for military control of the Park
was seconded by Secretary of the War Belknap, who stated in his report
that "it is the wish and desire of this Department to unite with the
Secretary of the Interior," in order to open and survey the region, and
"if authority were given to the War Department . . . to station one or
two companies of troops in or near the park for the purpose of
preventing spoliation . . . the result would be satisfactory." [20] The military plea for control was not
immediately acknowledged; an inept civilian administration was to
continue eleven more years before cavalry troops were assigned to the
Yellowstone.
President Rutherford B. Hayes took office in March,
1877, and immediately appointed Carl Schurz to replace Columbus Delano
as Secretary of the Interior. Schurz became a close friend of the new
National Park; he visited the area in 1880, and gave full support to
every measure put forth on its behalf. During his administration, and in
part because of his support, the first appropriation was made for the
Park by Congress. The new Secretary of the Interior notified Langford on
April 18, 1877, that the order appointing him as Superintendent was
revoked and that the Department "avails itself of the gratuitous
services of a gentleman . . . who visits the park in the interests of
science" and who was to be the new Superintendent. [21] This man with the scientific bent was
Philetus W. Norris.
Norris had applied for the appointment as
Superintendent in a letter accompanied by recommendations written by
Governor C. M. Croswell of Michigan; Morrison R. Waite, Chief Justice of
the Supreme Court; and Governor William Dennison of Ohio. In this letter
Norris declared that in a recent exploration of the park area he had
found "no Superintendent or other agent of the Government" present to
prevent destruction of game and vandalism to the geysers. He was
appointed to the post April 18, 1877, his pay subject to future
appropriations that might be made by Congress. [22]
Born at Palmyra, New York, August 17, 1821, Norris
was a guide at Portage Falls on the Genesee River when he was eight
years old. At the age of seventeen he was employed by the Hudson's Bay
Company in Manitoba, and at twenty-one he founded the town of Pioneer in
northwestern Ohio. His service with the Union troops during the Civil
War was broken by a term served in the Ohio legislature, and after the
war he established the town of Norris, now within the limits of Detroit.
Here he edited and published a newspaper called the Norris
Suburban. In 1870 he made a trip overland to the Pacific Ocean, and
in 1875 he visited Yellowstone Park. Endowed with more than average
curiosity, perseverance, and enthusiasm, Norris was later criticized for
being a visionary. His later writings in both prose and verse exemplify
not the doer, but the dreamer; and yet his real accomplishments were
many. Although he was unable to do all that he hoped for in Yellowstone,
his contribution can still be considered substantial.
In his first act as Superintendent, Norris appointed
J. C. McCartney, a resident of the Park, to the new position of
Assistant Superintendent. Norris advised his new assistant not only to
guard the Park against vandalism, but to enjoin others to do the same;
he also informed him that he would arrive in the Park sometime in June
"if not too much annoyed by Indians" on his way out. McCartney was also
made to understand that, since there was no money with which to pay him,
his services would necessarily be unpaid and "mainly in the interest of
science." [23]
An issue of the Norris Suburban carried on its
editorial page an announcement of Norris' appointment, a copy of the
existing Rules and Regulations for Yellowstone Park, and a reminder from
the editor to all of his "old mountain comrades and friends" to aid him
in stopping the acts of vandalism then being perpetrated within the
Park. [24]
When Norris arrived in the Park that summer, he had
printed on cloth and posted in surrounding towns five hundred copies of
a notice specifying acts which were in violation of Park rules. "Law,
public sentiment, . . . and the good fame of Montana alike" he added,
"forbid violation of this notice." There was, however, no effective law
and very little public sentiment. [25]
Norris' first summer in the Park was given over to
exploration of those areas not yet visited by Department officials.
Returning to his home in Michigan in September, he stated that he felt
no "salaried obligation" to remain longer in the Park since he was being
constantly informed of matters there by his assistant. His annual report
urged an appropriation to cover the cost of boundary survey, salaries,
and road construction. [26]
This again raised the question of money for the Park,
and support for the needed appropriations now came from a new quarter.
At the twenty-sixth Annual Meeting of the American Association for the
Advancement of Science, a resolution was adopted asking Congress to
direct its attention to the destruction that had taken place within the
Park. A committee of five prominent members was appointed to memorialize
Congress and was authorized to use all legitimate means at their
disposal to obtain appropriations for protection of the Park. [27] Some 181 residents of Bozeman, Montana
Territory, had also signed a petition requesting that the Secretary of
the Interior recommend to Congress an appropriation sufficient to cover
the needed protection and improvement within the Park. [28]
Secretary Schurz sent to Congress on March 6, 1878, a
request for an appropriation of $15,000, which he declared necessary to
enable his Department to carry out the intention and provisions of the
enabling act of 1872. He called attention to the fact that no
appropriation of any kind had been legislated and appended to his letter
those of Norris and Hayden, along with the resolution passed by the
American Association for the Advancement of Science and the Montana
petition. [29] In response to the
Secretary's request, Representative Alpheus Williams of Michigan
introduced a bill to appropriate moneys for the protection and
improvement of the Park, but the Committee on Appropriations failed to
take any action. When the sundry civil bill was reported without an
appropriation for Yellowstone National Park, Representative Williams
proposed on June 13, 1878, an amendment to appropriate $10,000 to
"protect, preserve, and improve" the Park. This amendment was enacted
into law, and thus became the first Congressional appropriation for
national park purposes. [30]
Six days after the appropriation became effective,
Norris was reappointed Superintendent with compensation at the rate of
$1,500 per annum, effective July 1, 1878. [31] On July 17 he employed Benjamin P. Bush as
his assistant at a salary of $50 per month. Spending the latter part of
the summer in the Park, Norris organized construction of wagon roads and
bridges, and continued his explorations into various parts of the Park.
He recommended the construction of a plain but comfortable building for
use by the Superintendent and earnestly urged the Secretary to make
leases to responsible parties, who, he assumed, would then become agents
of the government and aid in the protection of the curiosities and
animals of the Park. An appropriation of $25,000 was requested so that
he might complete roads and bridle paths necessary to effect leases of
Hotel, Ranch and Yacht sites." [32]
Roving bands of Bannock Indians sighted on the
western boundary of the Park prompted Norris to advocate the
establishment of "a small military post" within the Park, but there is
no evidence that he desired more from the military than protection from
the Indians. [33] Hayden, however, had
earlier suggested the establishment of a military post, and he, like
Captain Ludlow before him, recommended the use of the military not so
much for protection from any Indian menace as for prevention of
vandalism and skin hunters. Hayden realized that the size and isolated
position of the Park combined to prevent any civilian supervision over
visitors, and thought that until the Park became more accessible by the
construction of roads and the western extension of the Northern Pacific
Railroad, it would "require the establishment of a military Post within
its boundaries . . . garrisoned by one or more companies of soldiers who
could be sent out over various portions of the Park from time to time on
police duty." [34] The lawmakers of the
country paid no heed to the statement by either Norris or Hayden.
Upon returning to the Park in June, 1879, Norris
confirmed his predecessor's feeling that the title of Superintendent
carried with it no authoritative power. His former assistant, J. C.
McCartney, had erected a cabin and outbuildings within the Park, where
he engaged in the liquor trade. His presence there was in violation of
rule number five, which provided that no person was to reside
permanently within the Park without express permission of the Secretary
of the Interior. When ordered to vacate the premises by the
Superintendent, McCartney declined to do so. The Secretary advised
Norris to first offer McCartney a one-year lease and, if this was
refused, to utilize the "aid of the Military" in forcibly ejecting him.
The lease was offered and refused. Fearing reprisals from either
McCartney or his friends, who included Professor Hayden, Martin
Maginnis, Congressional Delegate from Montana Territory, and "the most
drunken and debased portion of the Mountaineers," as well as many of the
soldiers stationed at Fort Ellis, Norris hesitated to call for help from
the Army. Instead, he suggested that if "there be no general law or rule
prohibiting sale of stimulants upon all national reservations that the
Hon. Secretary of the Interior add it to the rules for my special
guidance." Thus armed, he hoped to persuade McCartney to sell his
holdings to Congress since, if forbidden to sell liquor, McCartney would
have no reason for staying. Subsequently, Rule Number Six was added,
which read: "The sale of intoxicating liquors is strictly prohibited."
McCartney later made a settlement with the government and his buildings
were destroyed. [35]
An appropriation of $10,000 for the improvement and
protection of the Park was included in the sundry civil bill for the
fiscal year 1880, [36] and with this Norris
continued his road building and trail cutting. He also constructed at
Mammoth Hot Springs a blockhouse complete with loopholes and a turret.
The Superintendent was still wary of Indians, but he found, much to his
chagrin, that it was not the Indian who troubled him but the occasional
tourist who destroyed the signboards which he had placed around the
various geysers and other points of interest. [37]
The presence of the Superintendent in the Park may
have checked the vandalism, but it did not stop it. Visitors reported
that many of the small natural reservoirs along the terraces of the Old
Faithful geyser had been converted into "stationary card baskets" by
previous visitors who wrote their names on the mineral deposits;
subsequent deposits formed a "transparent glaze over the lines" that
served to "preserve them forever." One group of tourists even enlisted
the aid of Superintendent Norris in "making a fine collection of
specimens," and in selecting their camping places while the men of the
party hunted; his assistance, however, did not serve to stay their
criticism of his work. They claimed that there were no adjectives "in
our language that can properly define the public highway that was cut
through heavy timber . . . with the stumps left from two to twenty
inches above the ground," which made it impossible to get their wagon
over the stumpy road; they also found it pretty hard to see "what had
been done with the Government funds." In addition, they found Norris's
trails very difficult to follow and claimed to have often lost their
way. Theirs was evidently not the only party that found the roads in the
Park less than satisfying, for one group preceding them had penned their
critical (but incorrect) thoughts upon a sign bordering the stumpy path,
"Government appropriations for public improvements in the park in 1872,
$35,000. Surplus on hand October 1, 1880, $34,500." A longtime resident
of the Park, writing of Norris and his roads, maintained that only the
best wagons could navigate over the stumps. [38]
Game was still being slaughtered in the Park, and
even Superintendent Norris, taking advantage of the elk and deer that
had been driven into sheltered glens, was able to secure an "abundant
winter's supply of fresh meat," in addition to the hides of bear, wolf,
and wolverine. He thought hunting in the Park was "excellent sport,"
though he found it rather severe and dangerous. This did not exactly
jibe with the ideas of Secretary Schurz, who had recommended in April
that a portion of the Park be reserved solely for the protection and
preservation of game animals, for if such protection was not afforded,
the bison, elk, moose, deer, and mountain sheep would soon be
exterminated. [39] A different conservation
plan was set forth by one who was more familiar with the Park than was
the Secretary of the Interior: Harry Yount, "Gamekeeper of the
Yellowstone National Park," twice urged, for the purpose of game
protection, "the appointment of a small active, reliable police force,"
members of which would receive regular pay allocated from the
Congressional appropriation for the Park. He thought that such a force
could, "in addition to the protection of game, assist the superintendent
of the Park in enforcing the laws, rules and regulations for protection
of guide-boards and bridges, and the preservation of the countless . . .
geyser cones." [40] Congress failed to take
cognizance of either suggestion.
While protection of the Park lagged, some progress
was made toward improvements within it. In his annual report to the
Secretary of the Interior for the year 1881, Norris reported that he had
completed some 153 miles of roads, 213 miles of bridle paths, and cut
eight miles of trails through heavy forests within the Park. [41] His efforts were both praised and ridiculed
by military officers who had had the opportunity to use his roads.
Lieutenant Colonel James F. Gregory, aide-de-camp to General Sheridan,
noted in his journal entry of August 26, 1881, that "Mr. Norris . . . is
doing a good work in making wagon roads to the principal points of
interest and trails to the less important ones," [42] but Lieutenant G. C. Doane, 2nd Cavalry,
then stationed at Fort Ellis, dismissed the improvements made by Norris
as "ridiculous." Both men were unhappy with the lack of protection
afforded the game and curiosities. Doane maintained that the "protection
has been one of spoliationand the preservation of game has been by
running it with hounds, and otherwise destroying it. He thought that
military protection would be the ultimate and only sure resort, and to
this end the Park "should be guarded by a detachment of Cavalry." [43] While not necessarily recommending a change
of administration, Gregory speculated that some means should be devised
to prevent the vandalism and "restrain his or her, especially
her, propensities to hammer and chip off rocks, to break down and
destroy every growing thing, and to fill up with trees, sticks, &c.,
the wonderful craters." He reported seeing persons armed with hatchets
"hammering and cracking the beautiful tracery around the geysers,"
apparently merely for the pleasure of destruction, for the broken
fragments were left lying where they fell. [44]
Norris realized that all was not as it should be, and
sought to strengthen his position by amending the existing regulations
in an attempt to make them enforceable. The following set of rules was
forwarded to Secretary of the Interior S. J. Kirkwood, approved by him
on May 4, 1881, and continued in force for the duration of the early
civilian administration:
1. Cutting of timber within the Park was strictly
forbidden, also removal of mineral deposits or natural curiosities
without the Superintendent's permission.
2. Fires should be kindled only when actually
necessary, and immediately extinguished when no longer required.
3. Hunting, trapping, and fishing, except to procure
food for visitors or actual residents, were prohibited.
4. No person would be permitted to reside permanently
within the Park without permission from the Department of the
Interior.
5. The sale of intoxicating liquors was
prohibited.
6. Trespassers or violators of any of the foregoing
rules would be summarily removed from the Park by the Superintendent and
his employees, who were authorized to seize "prohibited articles" in
case of resistance to their authority or repetition of any offence. [45]
The frontiersman and tourist found it impossible to
draw a line between killing of game for food and for sport. Norris
realized that his means of enforcement were negligible and requested
that "Additional provisions by Congress, by the council of Wyoming
Territory, or by both of them" be made to establish legal machinery for
his use. He thought, also, that the "proposed organization of a county
of Wyoming, with a seat of justice near enough to insure legal
cooperation and assistance in the management of the park" should be
given Departmental support, since he found "it neither desirable not in
accordance with the spirit of our institutions . . . to continue the
control of so vast a region . . . by mere moral suasion, occasionally
sustained by more potent appeals from the muzzles of Winchester rifles."
[46]
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Soldiers on rifle range, about 1900.
National Park Service.
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Members of Congress, while failing to act upon
suggestions for the establishment of legal machinery in the Park, did
give ear to the critics of Norris, and consequently of the Department of
the Interior's management, or nonmanagement, of Park affairs. On January
30, 1882, Samuel S. Cox, Representative from New York, introduced H. R.
3751, which provided that from June 20, 1882, the Yellowstone National
Park would be "under the exclusive care, control and government of the
War Department" and, with the exception of the winter months, "a
military encampment, to consist of at least one company of cavalry and
one company of infantry" would be stationed in the Park. The bill
provided punishment for violation of the rules in the form of a fine or
imprisonment, and placed the legal jurisdiction of the Park in the
District Courts of Montana Territory. The bill also granted a right of
way to any "existing Railroad Company duly chartered" to build within
the Park, suggesting that persons interested in more than preservation
of the Park might have been behind the measure. [47]
In reply to a request from the Chairman of the
Committee on Public Lands for his views on the proposed bill, Interior
Secretary S. J. Kirkwood stated that he did not believe the War
Department could accomplish more, "with the same expenditure of funds,
toward carrying out the objects for which the Park was set aside than
could be accomplished by the Department of the Interior." [48] The bill was not reported our of committee.
The proposed bill raised no stir outside of Congress, and very little
within. But four years later military government came to the Park.
Twelve years of debate intervened before the establishment of federal
law for the Park; and the attempt to franchise a railroad within the
Park was not defeated until after fifteen years of strenuous and
eventually successful opposition.
In an effort to circumvent the charges against his
department and the Park, Secretary Kirkwood relieved Norris of his
position as Superintendent and appointed in his stead Patrick H. Conger.
The results of this change were to be quite contrary to those desired by
the Secretary, however. Norris continued in government service,
exploring the remains of old Indian villages and burial grounds and
collecting specimens and artifacts for the National Museum. He made his
last visit to the Park in 1883 and two years later died at Rocky Hill,
Kentucky. He had failed, as had Langford, to stop the depredations and
slaughter of game within the Park, but he had succeeded in obtaining
what were to be annual appropriations; he had constructed roads,
bridges, and buildings, explored vast areas, studied the history, and
examined the antiquities of the Park. He left his name on a peak, a
pass, and a geyser basin within the Park, and a year after his
dismissal, he appended to a book of his poems what was to become a model
for all later guidebooks of the Park. [49]
His administration stands out in admirable contrast to the three
Superintendents who were to follow.
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