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Fort Vancouver
Historic Structures Report |
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| Volume II |
CHAPTER X:
ENDNOTES
1. Caywood, Final Report, pp. 7, 14, and Excavation Drawings, sheet 8.
3. H.B.C.A., B.223/z/5, MS, fol. 265.
4. Br. & Am. Joint Comm., Papers, [2:] 202-3. Lloyd Brooke also testified that a "house" between the office and the manager's residence was "vacated" two or three years after 1849 because it was considered unsafe. Brooke's description most closely fits the Priests' House, but it is known that that building continued to stand and was occupied until 1860. Therefore it is almost certain that Brooke meant to say that it was the old schoolhouse that was vacated about 1851 or 1852. Ibid., [8:] 128.
5. S. H. Smith to Elwood Evans, Clatsop Plains, November 1, 1865, MS, in Elwood Evans, Correspondence and Papers of Ellwood Evans, 1843-1894, in Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University.
6. John McLoughlin to Francis Heron [at Fort Colvile], Fort Vancouver, September 1, 1834, in H.B.C.A., B.223/b/10, MS, fol. 23.
7. Dunn, Oregon Territory, p. 103.
8. Cyrus Shepard, "The Journal of Cyrus Shepard's Trip Across the Plains with the Wyeth Expedition in 1834 and His Life and Labors Among the Indians of Oregon Territory, March 3, 1834 to December 20, 1835," original and typewritten transcript, in Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University, pp. xii-xiii, 176.
9. H.B.S., 6:81; H.B.C.A., B.239/l/6, MS, p. 47.
11. Beaver, Reports and Letters, p. 10.
12. Henry Spalding, of the Whitman party, recorded about the same time that Dr. McLoughlin had been "for several years collecting Indian & half breed children into a school, feeds & clothes them from his own stores, & with two or three other gentlemen defrays [?] the expense of their schooling." H. H. Spalding to David Green[e], Fort Vancouver, September 20, 1836, in American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, Papers, in Houghton Library, Harvard University.
13. Beaver, Reports and Letters, p. 56.
14. Drury, First White Women, 1:102.
15. Beaver, Reports and Letters, p. 3.
16. H.B.C.A., B.223/c/1, MS, fols. 94d—95; H.B.S., 4:161 fn., 161—62.
18. For the sources forming the basis of this discussion on the clash between McLoughlin and Beaver over control of the school, see Beaver, Reports and Letters, pp. xix-xxi, 3-4, 7-12, 22.
19. J. Work to Edward Ermatinger, "N. W. Coast of America," February 10, 1838, typewritten transcript, in John Work, Correspondence Outward, in Provincial Archives of British Columbia.
20. John McLoughlin to W. H. Grey [sic], Vancouver, August 17, 1840, in H.B.C.A., B.223/b/27, MS, fols. 30d-31.
21. Beaver, Reports and Letters, pp. 3-4.
24. As late as October 18, 1838, Douglas also believed the school to have been exerting "a powerful and salutory" influence. H.B.S., 4:239.
25. Francis Ermatinger to Edward [Ermatinger], Vancouver, February 26, 1839, in Francis Ermatinger, "Letters of Francis Ermatinger, 1823—1853," typescript, in Huntington Library, [pp. 131-37].
26. Rather strangely, Robinson appears to have drawn his full salary of £24 as schoolmaster for Outfit 1838. H.B.C.A., B.239/l/9, MS, p. 49. Thus he may have continued to serve until May 31, 1839.
27. Beaver, Reports and Letters, p. 122. Beaver devoted much space in his correspondence to decrying the moral atmosphere at Fort Vancouver, and he was free in blaming the native and mixed-blood wives of the employees for much of the difficulty. He regarded these women as immoral because he refused to recognize the validity of "fur trade" marriages. James Douglas wrote an effective refutation of these prejudiced charges. Ibid., pp. 139-48.
28. Francis Ermatinger to Edward [Ermatinger], Flathead, June 1, 1837, in Francis Ermatinger, "Letters," 1823—1853, in Huntington Library, [pp. 113—19].
29. W. F. Tolmie to George Simpson, Nisqually, March 6, 1844, in H.B.C.A., D.5/l0, MS, fols. 390-394. It is interesting to note that about this time at least some of the Methodist missionaries in the Willamette Valley came to fear for the "safety and chastity" of their children in their own integrated school. R. J. Loewenberg, "Elijah White vs. Jason Lee: A Tale of Hard Times," Journal of the West 11 (October, 1972): 645.
30. Beaver, Reports and Letters, pp. 85, 122.
31. H.B.S., 6:261; John Work to George Simpson, Fort Simpson, October 8, 1844, in H.B.C.A., D.5/12, MS, fol. 399.
32. H.B.C.A., B.239/l/10, MS, p. 63; B.239/l/11, MS, p. 63; B.239/l/12, MS, p. 67; B.239/l/13, MS, p. 64; B.239/l/14, MS, p. 45.
33. Farnham, Travels, pp. 194-95.
34. H.B.C.A., B.223/d/207, MS, pp. 30-32.
35. Beaver, Reports and Letters, p. 126.
36. Charles Wilkes, "Diary of Wilkes in the Northwest," ed. Edmond S. Meany, Washington Historical Quarterly 16 (October, 1925): 291, 298-99; Wilkes, Narrative, 4:332. The use of the term "manual labor school" by Wilkes is but one of several indications that the directive of the Governor and Committee regarding the Fort Vancouver school may have been at least partially put into effect.
37. Beaver, Reports and Letters, p. 56.
38. For data on the construction of the new Big House, see p. 93 in vol. I of this study. Emmons' s "Governor" evidently was not Governor George Simpson, who was also at Fort Vancouver in 1841 but not until several months after Emmons drew his plan.
39. If the school was indeed transferred to the later Owyhee Church fairly early in 1838 it might be well to note here its possible uses for religious as well as educational purposes. After the departure of McLoughlin on furlough in March of that year, the Reverend Mr. Beaver resumed evening religious "lectures" in the schoolroom, and in May he conducted a Sunday school seemingly in the same place, though the classes did not continue long. Beaver, Reports and Letters, p. 114. On November 24, 1838, two Catholic priests, Fathers F. M. Blanchet and Modeste Demers, arrived at Fort Vancouver, and the next day they celebrated the first mass in the lower Columbia Basin in the schoolhouse. Catholic services continued to be held in this building for a time, though it was too small for the purpose. Francis Norbert Blanchet, Historical Sketches of the Catholic Church in Oregon during the Past Forty Years (1838-1878), 2d ed. [Ferndale, Washington, 1910?], p. 23.
40. H.B.C.A., D.5/12, MS, fol. 399. Possibly Work was referring to James Douglas's boarding school project for "gentlemen's" children, which is described in the following paragraph.
41. James Douglas to James M. Yale, Fort Vancouver, November 4, 1844, typewritten transcript, in Fort Vancouver, Correspondence Outward, 1830-1849, Letters Signed by James Douglas, MSS, in Provincial Archives of British Columbia.
42. For the history of these buildings, see Hussey, History of Fort Vancouver, pp. 214-16. That Douglas and not McLoughlin sponsored the construction of these schoolhouses is demonstrated by the testimony of Dr. Forbes Barclay, although of course McLoughlin must have given his approval. See sources cited in ibid., p. 214, fn. 88.
43. Lowe, "Private Journal," p. 4. The location of the house in which the Robertses lived is not known; conceivably it could have been the schoolhouse near the gate, though if it were Lowe probably would have mentioned the fact.
44. Ibid., pp. 43, 49. Whether these were the same children Mrs. Roberts had been teaching is not stated.
45. James Douglas to Donald Ross, Fort Vancouver, March 8, 1849, MS, in James Douglas, Correspondence Outward, MSS, in Ross Papers, Provincial Archives of British Columbia.
46. George Gibbs to J. M. Edmunds, Washington, June 22, 1862, MS, G.L.O., Old Townsites, Docket I (165), Box No. 31, in National Archives.
47. H.B.C., Account Book, Fort Vancouver, 1845 [Inventories], H.B.C.A., B.223/d/160, MS, pp. 134-37.
48. Carl Landerholm, "The Covingtons and Covington House," in Clark County History, vol. 1 (1960), p. 5. For information on the plans for the school and on the appropriations made in 1847 and 1848, see H.B.C.A., B.223/b/37, MS, fols. 3—19; B.223/b/38, MS, fols. 53—59; and the sources cited in Hussey, History of Fort Vancouver, p. 215. The school conducted by the Covingtons in 1847 was at Fort Vancouver, but in 1848 they moved to Fourth Plain, where Mrs. Covington soon established a boarding school.
49. The story of the Hawaiians in the fur trade has received con siderable attention from scholars, but the definitive account remains to be written. For examples of treatments of the subject, see Milton Bona, "Hawaiians Made Life 'More Bearable' at Fort Vancouver," in Clark County History, vol. 13 (1972), pp. 159-75; Robert C. Clark, "Hawaiians in Early Oregon," Oregon Historical Quarterly 35 (March, 1934): 22-31; Janice K. Duncan, Minority without a Champion: Kanakas on the Pacific Coast, 1788-1850 (Portland: Oregon Historical Society, 1972).
Very little is known about the religious services William conducted in the Owyhee Church. The Reverend George H. Atkinson noted during June 1848 that the Hawaiian teacher had "no church and few members. Has from twenty to forty hearers, every Sabbath." William experienced much difficulty in keeping his charges from drinking, and evidently one of his duties was giving Chief Factor Ogden a weekly report on those who had indulged. [61]
52. H.B.C.A., B.239/l/16, MS, pp. 57—61, 64. The exact number is difficult to ascertain because it is sometimes hard to distinguish the Hawaiians by name alone on the employee rolls and because men listed under "general charges" were sometimes situated elsewhere than at Fort Vancouver.
53. Beaver, Reports and Letters, p. 131.
55. Beaver's report in which the suggestion was made was written while McLoughlin was in Europe; James Douglas saw the report and may have relayed its contents to McLoughlin later.
56. Rockwood, "Diary of Rev. George H. Atkinson, D. D., 1847-1858," Oregon Historical Quarterly 40 (June, 1939): 181, fn. 43, based on information obtained by Dr. R. C. Clark from the Hudson's Bay Company Archives.
57. Ibid., p. 181; H.B.C.A., B.239/l/16, MS, p. 64.
58. Rockwood, "Diary of Rev. George H. Atkinson," Oregon Historical Quarterly 40 (June 1939): 181, fn. 43.
59. Ibid., p. 181. The Covington map of 1846 or somewhat later shows a house labeled "Billy's" in the village west of the fort, but Billy was a laborer and an entirely different person from William. H.B.C.A., B.239/l/16, MS, pp. 57, 64.
60. See sources cited in Hussey, History of Fort Vancouver, pp. 107-9, 183.
61. Rockwood, "Diary of Rev. George H. Atkinson," Oregon Historical Quarterly 40 (June 1939), p. 181.
62. Testimony of Rufus Ingalls in the Federal court case, Corporation of the Catholic Bishop of Nesqually vs. Gibbons et al., p. 82, as cited in Bona, "Hawaiians Made Life 'More Bearable'," pp. 172-73; Affidavit of Joseph Petrain, MS, G.L.O., Old Townsites, Docket I (165), Box No. 31, in National Archives.
63. H.B.C.A., B.223/g/15, MS, p. 4.
64. See sources cited in Hussey, History of Fort Vancouver, pp. 107-9, 183, 220.
65. H.B.C.A., B.223/z/5, MS, fol. 265.
66. Caywood, Final Report, pp. 7, 14, and Excavation Drawings, sheet 8.
67. Br. & Am. Joint Comm., Papers, [8:] 33.
68. Anderson, "Notes and Comments," p. 165.
69. Beaver, Reports and Letters, pp. 82, 122.
70. H.B.C.A., B.223/d/160, MS, p. 137. The 1844 inventory of items in the "School Room" was identical except for the differences noted in brackets above and except for the fact that the schoolbooks were listed as being in the schoolroom in 1844, whereas in 1845 they were listed separately. H.B.C.A., B.223/d/l55, MS, p. 152.
71. H.B.C. A., B.223/d/160, MS, pp. 134-37. The material in brackets is from H.B.C.A., B.223/d/207, MS, pp. 30-32.
72. See pp. 225, 226, 229, in vol. I of this study.
73. Mary Elizabeth Colman, "Schoolboy at Fort Victoria," The Beaver Outfit 282 (December, 1951): 19.
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