1. By early May 1861, the commanding officer at Fort Union was directed to take special precautions to protect ordnance stores at the post while the bulk of the garrison was gone to meet with the Comanches. There was concern that a rebel force might capture the arms for the use of Confederate troops. Maury to Duncan, May 5, 1861, LR, FU, USAC, RG 393, NA.
3. Townsend to Canby, Aug. 13, 1861, ibid., 62-63. Seven companies of the Seventh Infantry were captured by Confederate troops at Fort Fillmore, New Mexico Territory, during the summer of 1861, and their services were lost before they were transferred.
5. If they were graduates of West Point, their oath bound them to eight years of service (four as a cadet at West Point and four as an officer). At the expiration of that commitment, an officer's resignation was customarily accepted without question. DuBois Journal, Feb. 12, 1861.
6. There were also fewer enlisted men with a devotion or commitment to the South because most soldiers were recruited in northern cities and many of them were recent immigrants without a regional cultural attachment.
9. Wheeler, a native of Georgia, arrived at Fort Union late in 1860, and his personal struggle over loyalty exemplified what many officers experienced. Mrs. Lane recalled that "much pressure was brought to bear on Lieutenant Joseph Wheeler by his Southern relations, all urging him to resign. Between his desire to be true to the government and anxiety not to offend his nearest and dearest, he was almost distracted, but he yielded at last to the importunities of his friends and left the United States army, but very reluctantly." Lane, I Married a Soldier, 106. Wheeler served as a lieutenant general in the Confederate Army.
11. Canby, 1817-1873, was born in Kentucky and grew up in Indiana. He graduated from West Point in 1839. Soon after graduation he married Louisa Hawkins from Indiana (a sister of John Parker Hawkins, who graduated from West Point and rose to rank of brigadier general in the U.S. Army). Sibley, 1816-1886, was a native of Louisiana. He graduated from West Point in 1838. In 1840 he married Charlotte Kendall, who may have been the daughter of an army officer. Ezra J. Warner, Generals in Blue: Lives of the Union Commanders (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1964), 617, declared "exhaustive research into the history of the Canby and Sibley families . . . discloses no connection by marriage." Louisa Hawkins Canby helped care for wounded Confederate soldiers at Santa Fe in 1862, for which she was greatly respected by Texas troops. Martin Hardwick Hall, Sibley's New Mexico Campaign (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1960), 164.
19. Circular, July 6, 1861, HQ DNM, DNM Orders, v. 38C, np, USAC, RG 393, NA; and Orders No. 47, July 11, 1861, HQ FU, FU Orders, v. 46A, np, USAC, RG 393, NA. When one of the New Mexico Volunteers, a peon, was arrested at Mora at the request of his owner, who demanded the release of the private, Major William Chapman, Second Dragoons, commander at Fort Union, sent a detachment from Fort Union to lay the matter before a "Judge of the U.S. Courts, who will investigate it, and if just, issue a writ of Habeas Corpus." Chapman to Walker, July 12, 1861, LS, FU, USAC, RG 393, NA.
22. Anderson to Chapman, July 7, 1861, LR, FU, USAC, RG 393, NA; and General Orders No. 15, June 22, 1861, HQ DNM, DNM Orders, v. 38C, np, USAC, RG 393, NA. A camp of instruction was also established near Albuquerque, where some of the volunteers were assigned for training. General Orders No. 18, July 13, 1861, HQ DNM, DNM Orders, v. 36, p. 511, USAC, RG 393, NA.
23. Orders No. 44, July 9, 1861 & Orders No. 46, July 10, 1861, HQ FU, FU Orders, v. 46A, np, USAC, RG 393, NA. The volunteers at the camp of instruction were carried on the post returns of Fort Union until late October 1861, when Canby directed that the camp submit separate returns. Nicodemus to Chapman, Oct. 22, 1861, LR, FU, USAC, RG 393, NA.
27. General Orders No. 20, July 16, 1861, HQ DNM, DNM Orders, v. 38C, np, USAC, RG 393, NA. This order specified the dollar amount to be charged for each missing item. A few examples were muskets, $13.00; rifles, $14.00; revolvers, $40.00; sabers, $5.00; cartridge boxes, $1.10; gun slings, 10 cents; holsters, 75 cents; holster belts, 25 cents; cartridges, 3 cents; and percussion caps, $2.40 per one thousand.
28. T. A. Scott to Canby, Oct. 10, 1861, LR, FU, USAC, RG 393, NA. The post trader at Fort Union, W. H. Moore, was not pleased to have another sutler operating there and protested. He was informed that the Spiegelbergs enjoyed the same privileges that he had, but each trading firm had its limitations. Moore could trade with the soldiers of the garrison of Fort Union, and the Spiegelbergs could trade with the volunteers who were encamped nearby but not part of the garrison. Canby to Moore, Oct. 14, 1861, ibid. The line of demarcation was rather fuzzy (the volunteers encamped near Fort Union were carried on the post returns for a time but not considered part of the official garrison) and there was a potential for conflict between the two firms.
45. OR, Ser. 1, I, 5-66 passim. Lydia Lane believed that Lynde "sympathized with the South." Also, according to her, Lynde "seemed utterly incompetent and unfitted for his important command, and it was freely discussed, after it was too late, that he was not the man for the place." Lane, I Married a Soldier, 115.
47. Chapman to Anderson, Aug. 4, 1861, LS, FU, USAC, RG 393, NA. Although the site of the second Fort Union was considered to be beyond the range of artillery pieces placed on the bluff overlooking the original post, it was found by actual fire from artillery on the bluff after the Confederates were turned back that this was not the case.
65. Chapman to Anderson, Aug. 15, 1861, ibid. A few days later a company of Fifth Infantry, formerly stationed at Fort Stanton, arrived for duty at Fort Union. Chapman reported, "they have no tents having destroyed them at Fort Stanton before it was abandoned." They were able to move into quarters, however, as soon as the mounted riflemen moved out for another assignment. Chapman to Anderson, Aug. 19, 1861, ibid. Another company from Fort Stanton arrived without tents a few days later, and they were housed in the tents belonging to a company of dragoons in the quarters at Fort Union. Chapman to Anderson, Aug. 22, 1861, ibid.
67. Anderson to Chapman, Aug. 17, 1861, LR, FU, USAC, RG 393, NA; and Chapman to Anderson, Aug. 17, 18, & 19, 1861, LS, FU, USAC, RG 393, NA. The train that arrived on Aug. 17 consisted of "26 wagons loaded principally with bacon." Another train of 26 wagons, cargo not given, arrived on Aug. 19.
101. Because the horses furnished by the volunteers were "found to be so entirely unfitted for the service required of them," it was later decided that the volunteers would be mounted only on horses provided by the quartermaster department. General Orders No. 62, Dec. 7, 1861, HQ DNM, DNM Orders, v. 37, p. 72, USAC, RG 393, NA.
102. St. Vrain to Chapman, Sept. 17, 1861, LR, FU, USAC, RG 393, NA; Special Orders No. 145, Sept. 19, 1861, HQ DNM, DNM Orders, v. 98, np, USAC, RG 393, NA; General Orders No. 42, Sept. 25, 1861, HQ DNM, DNM Orders, v. 38C, np, USAC, RG 393, NA; and Post Returns, Fort Union, Sept. 1861, AGO, RG 94, NA.
107. Chapman to G. Chapin, Sept. 29, 1861, LS, FU, USAC, RG 393, NA. Captain Gurden Chapin, Seventh Infantry, had temporarily replaced Lieutenant Allen Latham Anderson as Canby's adjutant at department headquarters.
109. Roberts to Canby, Sept. 26, 1861, LR, FU, USAC, RG 393, NA. Sibley commanded the Fourth (led by Colonel James Reily), Fifth (led by Colonel Thomas J. Green), and Seventh (led by Colonel William Steele) Regiments, Texas Volunteer Cavalry, also known as the "Sibley Brigade." They arrived at Fort Bliss in December 1861 and January 1862 and moved into New Mexico. For a history of this unit, see Hall, Sibley's New Mexico Campaign.
123. Despite the almost constant reports of Texan invaders, at the end of Nov. 1861 the scouts still reported "all quiet" along the various routes. Chapman to AAAG DNM, Nov. 30, 1861, LS, FU, USAC, RG 393, NA.
129. Nicodemus to Otis, Nov. 15, 1861, LS, DNM, USAC, RG 393, M-1072, roll 2, NA. A table of distances on the new route was completed by Lt. D. S. Hardy, Colorado Volunteers, Aug. 1, 1862, LR, FU, USAC, RG 393, NA.
140. Special Orders No. 210, Dec. 9, 1861, HQ DNM, DNM Orders, v. 38C, np, USAC, RG 393, NA. The date of Paul's appointment as colonel of volunteers was important later, when Colonel John P. Slough, First Colorado Volunteers arrived at the post. The two men did not agree on the best way to defend Fort Union against advancing Texas troops. Slough, by virtue of an earlier appointment as colonel, outranked Paul and did it his way. Slough had only been in the service a few months. If Paul, who had over 27 years of active military service, had been the senior officer, the outcome of the Civil War in New Mexico may have turned out differently.
141. Paul to Nicodemus, Dec. 17, 1861, LS, FU, USAC, RG 393, NA. Chapman was promoted to lieutenant colonel of the Third Infantry in Feb. 1862. He was awarded the rank of brevet colonel in Aug. 1862 for gallant and meritorious service in the second battle of Bull Run and retired from the service in Aug. 1863. He died in 1887. Heitman, Historical Register, I, 296.
146. According to Col. Paul, only six pieces of artillery were available to defend the fieldwork and he wanted more. Paul to Nicodemus, Dec. 20, 1861, LS, FU, USAC, RG 393, NA. Later, as the Confederates were moving up the Rio Grande, Paul declared that he had only five pieces of artillery to defend Fort Union. Paul to Donaldson, Mar. 1, 1862, ibid.
155. Canby to Gilpin, Jan. 1, 1861, ibid. Later Major General David Hunter, commanding the Dept. of Kansas, requested Gov. Gilpin to "send all available forces you can possibly spare to re-enforce Colonel Canby . . . and to keep open his communication through Fort Wise." Hunter to Gilpin, OR, Ser. 1, IX, 630.
162. In April the paymaster was ordered to begin payment of the troops in the department, "commencing with those that have been longest unpaid." General Orders No. 30, April 16, 1862, HQ DNM, DNM Orders, v. 37, p. 138, USAC, RG 393, NA. Some of the soldiers did not receive pay until July 1862. Canby to AG USA, July 26, 1862, & Canby to Commissary Gen. USA, July 30, 1862, LS, DNM, M-1072, roll 2, USAC, RG 393, NA. Even when they finally received their pay, according to Hollister, it did not go far because prices were high: "In New England, one can spend half a cent. In the Northwest it is possible to buy something with five cents; but on the Plains a quarter, in Colorado a dollar, and in [New] Mexico five dollars is the smallest sum that will purchase anything." Colorado Volunteers, 203.
167. Eugene A. Carr to AAG Dept. of Arizona, Aug. 22, 1889, LS,. DNM, USAC, RG 393, NA. McRae's remains were disinterred in the spring of 1867 and reburied at West Point. When his remains passed through Fort Union, the troops there were "turned out to receive and pay proper respect on the occasion." General Orders No. 3, April 24, 1867, HQ FU, FU Orders, USAC, RG 393, NA.
171. T. T. Teel, "Sibley's New Mexican Campaign: Its Objects and the Causes of Its Failure," Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, ed. R. U. Johnson and C. C. Buel (4 vols.; New York: Thomas Yoseloff, 1956), II, 700.
172. For further contemplation of the possibilities, see Latham Anderson, "Canby's Services in the New Mexico Campaign," ibid., 697-699; Jerome C. Smiley's preface to William Clarke Whitford, Colorado Volunteers in the Civil War: The New Mexico Campaign in 1862 (1906; reprint, Glorieta: Rio Grande Press, 1991), 10-14; Charles S. Walker, "Causes of the Confederate Invasion of New Mexico," NMHR, VIII (April 1933): 76-97; James Lee Neeley, "The Desert Dream of the South," The Smoke Signal (Fall 1961): 1-19; and Leo E. Oliva, "The Santa Fe Trail in Wartime: Expansion and Preservation of the Union," The Mexican Road: Trade, Travel, and Confrontation on the Santa Fe Trail, ed. by Mark L. Gardner (Manhattan: Sunflower University Press, 1989), 55-57.
178. Major John M. Chivington, First Colorado Volunteers, later claimed, in 1884, that Colonel Paul had sent word to the Colorado column at Raton Pass stating, if the Texans arrived at Fort Union before the Colorado troops, he would not resist them. Paul, Chivington recalled, "informed us that he had already mined the Post[,] made preparations for moving the women and children and in the event of the rebels arriving did not intend to resist them but was going to blow the Post up, destroy all provisions and equipments and come and meet us." Chivington, despite his clerical background, was not always a reliable source (especially as he became older and tended to embellish his own adventures), and no other evidence has been found to support his interesting recollections. "The First Colorado Regiment," MS, Bancroft Library, Univ. of California, Berkeley.
183. Ibid.; and Gardner to Mother, May 3, 1862, 32. Gardner said of the issue of whiskey, "it availed me nothing, as that is an article I have entirely dispensed with since I have been in the Service."
184. General Orders No. 25, April 4, 1862, HQ DNM, CCF, DNM, QMG, RG 92, NA; and Hollister, Colorado Volunteers, 85-86, 89, 138. Philbrook was executed at Fort Union in April 1862. At the time three Apache prisoners in the guardhouse witnessed the death by firing squad. Someone jokingly told the Apaches they would be shot next. When guards later opened the door to their cell, the Apaches attacked. The guards retaliated by lighting fuses to a couple of artillery shells and tossing them into the cell, killing the prisoners. Ray C. Colton, Civil War in the Western Territories (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1959), 124-125.
185. Hollister, Colorado Volunteers, 88. Hollister had no respect for sutlers: "All the sutlers in New Mexico are traitors at heart. Still they meanly fatten on the government they would destroy. Their property is lawful 'loot' to Union soldiers, in my way of thinking." Ibid., 89.
194. The soldiers in Sibley's Brigade had started out as inexperienced volunteers, not unlike such units raised in other states and territories. Before they departed from San Antonio, the Texans marched in review before their commander. As Sibley watched, one of his companies failed to hear an order to turn and marched over a hill and disappeared from view. Sibley reportedly declared, "Gone to Hell." He had no way of knowing at the time that his remark also foretold the consequences of his drive to capture Fort Union. Odie B. Faulk, "Confederate Hero at Val Verde," NMHR, 38 (Oct. 1963): 302.
195. Confederate Private H. C. Wright recalled many years later that Sibley "did not even command the brigade at Val Verde. . . . He was utterly incompatable (some said a coward). . . . At any rate after that battle we never saw him again." Wright to T. L. Greer, Sept. 7, 1927, NMHR, V (July 1930): 321.
196. In addition to the documents in OR, the following publications contain accounts of these engagements: Ray C. Colton, Civil War in the Western Territories; Hall, Sibley's New Mexico Campaign; Whitford, Colorado Colorado Volunteers in the Civil War; Hollister, Colorado Volunteers; and LeRoy H. Fischer, ed., The Western Territories in the Civil War (Manhattan: Sunflower University Press, 1977).
198. Chivington to Canby, Mar. 26, 1862, ibid., 531. Chivington recalled years later that the Confederate scouts were captured while playing cards at Pigeon's Ranch. "The First Colorado Regiment," MS, Bancroft Library.
199. Chivington later recalled that there were 99 troopers who jumped, one of whom did not make it over. In 1884 the man whose horse failed to make it across was still alive but an invalid from the fall at Apache Canon. "The First Colorado Regiment," MS, Bancroft Library.
200. Brown to his wife, April 30, 1862, quoted in Hollister, Colorado Volunteers, 261-264. This letter, dated at Socorro, was found at Mesilla after the Texans had left New Mexico and was originally published in a Denver newspaper. A portion of the same letter was also reprinted in Whitford, Colorado Volunteers in the Civil War, 93-96.
203. A Confederate private with Scurry recalled, "we formed a battle line across the road at the head of the canyon, and held it all day, but nothing unusual occurred." Harvey Halcomb to T. L. Greer, Aug. 5, 1927, NMHR, V (July 1930): 317.
205. Enos wrote a report about the battle which was mentioned favorably by several other officers but has not been found. It may still exist in some file. Its discovery would possibly shed additional light on the details of that critical day.
207. Francis C. Kajencki, "The Battle of Glorieta Pass: Was the Guide Ortiz or Grzelachowski?," NMHR, LXII (Jan. 1987): 47-54. See, also, Francis C. Kajencki, Poles in the 19th Century Southwest (El Paso: Southwest Polonia Press, 1990).
211. In his official report of the attack on the Confederate supply train at Johnson's Ranch, Chivington wrote on March 28, 1862, that his troops "captured about thirty horses and mules, which were in a corral in the vicinity of the wagons." OR, Ser. 1, IX, 539. He did not say if those 30 animals were taken back with his command, killed, or turned loose. The only known contemporary statement by a participant in the attack at Johnson's Ranch who mentioned the killing of mules was Gardner to Mother, May 3, 1862, 34, who summarized the destruction of the Confederate supply train and concluded, "three hundred mules killed with our bayonets & three hundred stand of arms broken, our work of destruction was near complete." Gardner had a tendency to inflate figures in his letter. For example, he stated the Confederate supply train was guarded by 300 men and two pieces of artillery, while official records showed fewer than 80 men and one piece of artillery. He claimed "every wagon contained from five to twenty-five kegs of powder," while other accounts indicated only a few of the total number of wagons contained powder and shot. Thus his figure of 300 mules was questionable, but his specific mention of bayonets gives credence to the later claims that mules were killed by that method. It was especially strange, however, that no other contemporary account of the killing of mules has been found.
212. The earliest publication located that stated mules were killed at Johnson's Ranch was A. A. Hayes, New Colorado and the Santa Fe Trail (New York: Harper & Bros., 1880), 169, who gave a figure of 200 mules killed without specifying how that was done. A Chivington manuscript, "The First Colorado Regiment," dated Oct. 18, 1884, located at the Bancroft Library, stated "we bayoneted that day 1100 mules." An article written about the First Colorado Regiment by Chivington for the Denver Republican, April 20, 1890, stated that the Confederate mules at Johnson's Ranch "were in a corral a half mile up one arm of the ravine. These, it being impossible to capture and take away, were bayoneted." He gave no indication of the number of mules killed in that piece. Thereafter the story of killing the mules became common, although the numbers varied considerably.
Early in the twentieth century, Whitford, Colorado Volunteers in the Civil War, 121, acknowledged that the number of mules supposedly killed "varied considerably, but the most trustworthy made it between 500 and 600 . . . all bayoneted." A Chivington biographer, Nolie Mumey, "John Milton Chivington: The Misunderstood Man," Denver Westerners Brand Book, XII (1956): 133, stated "they shot 120 mules." Another biographer, Reginald S. Craig, The Fighting Parson: The Biography of Colonel John M. Chivington (Los Angeles: Westernlore Press, 1959), 124, wrote, as had Whitford, that between 500 and 600 animals were "bayoneted." The same year Colton, Civil War in the Western Territories, 72, declared that "approximately five hundred horses and mules in a corral near the camp" were "all bayoneted ." That was, wrote Colton, "a task, disagreeable to most Western frontiersmen who appreciated good horses and mules." Chivington's claim of 1,100 apparently seemed too many to be believable (it would have required a considerable amount of time to bayonet that many mules, most of which would not have stood still to be slaughtered), so a more reasonable number was used. It should be noted that, during the campaign against tribes in present Washington in the summer of 1858, Colonel George Wright had his troops destroy some 900 horses captured from the Palouse Indians. It took them most of a day to shoot that many horses because the animals kept milling around. It was probably impossible to bayonet 1,000 or even 500 mules in one day.
In Sibley's New Mexico Campaign, 158, Martin Hall stated, as had Chivington's original report, that approximately 30 horses and mules were "taken from a nearby corral." He then noted that Chivington's claim of killing more than 1,000 animals had no contemporary support. In fact, wrote Hall, "H. C. Wright, a [Texan] participant, denies it emphatically in his memoirs." Wright also denied it in his letter to Greer, Sept. 7, 1927, NMHR, V (July 1930): 322: "Your account says they killed 1100 mules. At the outside we did not have over 500, and I for one never saw or heard of a dead one." Except for Gardner's letter written just 36 days after the event, of which only an edited version was published over 100 years later, no Confederate or Union report of the engagements in New Mexico in 1862 mentioned the killing of a large quantity of mules although they listed in some detail the other losses at Johnson's Ranch. It is doubtful that a large number of mules were slaughtered. A few animals may have been killed incidentally in the action and, conceivably, a few (perhaps as many as 30, the number Chivington initially reported as captured) might have been killed deliberately (by shooting and with bayonets) as a way of striking the most devastating blow to the Confederate camp as possible. If more than a few were bayoneted, surely at least one of the official reports would have mentioned it. More likely, the mules were turned loose to wander away or were appropriated by citizens in the area. The mules that were left with the wagon train, the exact number of which remains unknown although Wright's statement that there were not more than 500 is the only estimate available from an eyewitness, were apparently gone when Scurry's troops returned. It is incredible, however, that the extermination of more than 1,000 mules, as Chivington later claimed, or of even 500 could have happened in the time the troops were at Johnson's Ranch (less than one hour by Gardner's account and less than three hours by any account, during which the troops descended the mountain, captured the cannon and some of the guards, burned the entire wagon train, and ascended the mountain) or that it could have gone unmentioned, except in one private letter, for almost 18 years. Unless some new, compelling evidence should surface, the myth of the massive mule massacre at Johnson's Ranch should be laid to rest.
213. There is some question as to whether Scurry stopped his pursuit of the retreating Union troops because his troops were exhausted, as he stated in his report, or because he had received a message from his rear that his supply train had been destroyed. Confederate Private Halcomb remembered, "if the Union commander had only known our condition and held out until 12 o'clock the next day the Confederates would have had to surrender as we had no rations and our ammunition was about exhausted." Halcomb to Greer, Aug. 5, 1927, NMHR, V (July 1930): 318.
215. Private Halcomb recalled that he spent the night after the battle in the corral at Pigeon's Ranch. The next day, "Colonel Scurry made us a little speech and told us our wagons and all supplies had been burned and our sick taken prisoners and the nearest and only place to get any supplies was in Santa Fe. . . . we struck out for Santa Fe and reached there early next morning and got quarters and plenty to eat." Halcomb to Greer, Aug. 5, 1927, NMHR, V (July 1930): 318-319.
216. Scurry later rose to the rank of brigadier general in the Confederate service and was killed at Jenkins' Ferry, Arkansas, in April 1864. Theo. Noel, A Campaign from Santa Fe to the Mississippi; A History of the Old Sibley Brigade (Shreveport: Shreveport News, 1865), 130.
218. Slough's leadership in the defeat of the Confederates in New Mexico was not forgotten. Gov. Connelly praised Slough for stopping the Texan invasion. Connelly to Seward, April 11, 1862, OR, Ser. 1, IX, 662. On Aug. 25, 1862, Slough was appointed brigadier general of volunteers and military governor at Alexandria, Virginia, a position he held to the end of the war. He had political friends in high places. He was a pallbearer at President Lincoln's funeral. He returned to New Mexico Territory in 1866 as chief justice. He was assassinated at Santa Fe by William Rynerson in December 1867. See Gary L. Roberts, Death Comes for the Chief Justice: The Slough-Rynerson Quarrel and Political Violence in New Mexico (Niwot: University Press of Colorado, 1990).
219. Hollister praised Paul as "a sterling officerone of the few never cursed by the soldiers. The best tactician in New Mexico and a strict disciplinarian, he yet combines so much judgment and tact in the discharge of his duty as to seldom give offense. His pluck is indomitable." Colorado Volunteers, 166.
220. Post Returns, Fort Union, April 1862, AGO, RG 94, NA; Special Orders No. 29, April 5, 1862, HQ Eastern Dist. DNM, DNM Orders, v. 74, np, USAC, RG 393, NA; and Connelly to Seward, April 6, 1862, OR, Ser. 1, IX, 660.
221. Private Wright, who remained at Santa Fe to help care for his wounded companions, recalled that Mrs. Canby, "a noble lady, . . . assisted in fitting up a large building as a hospital" and provided care that saved the lives of many Confederate soldiers. "The ladies of Santa Fe, headed by Mrs. Canby, did all they could to lighten the sadness of hospital life. They brought us flowers and fruit, books and papers. . . ." Wright Reminiscences.
232. On July 2 the post commander at Fort Union was directed to prepare the two mounted companies of the Second Colorado Volunteers for service on the Cimarron Route, "in case you have any information that trains are coming by that route." Chapin to CO FU, July 2, 1862, ibid. Canby had received reports that "a number of our trains" were following the Cimarron. Believing he could protect the Cimarron Route, Canby requested that earlier orders issued in Kansas, directing all supply trains to follow the longer Mountain Route, be revoked. Canby to AAG Dept. of Kansas, July 3, 1862, ibid.
243. Carleton to Meigs, Nov. 3 & 20, 1862, LS, DNM, M-1072, roll 3, USAC, RG 393, NA. Carleton confirmed what everyone else had stated, that the original post had deteriorated beyond repair. He believed that, if Fort Union were to continue as the general depot for the department, new facilities were required.
244. Special Orders No. 177, Oct. 1, 1862, HQ DNM, DNM Orders, v. 40, pp. 176-177, USAC, RG 393, NA. The troops assigned to the battery were to drill until they could fire the artillery with skill, and they were exempt from other duties, including guard duty "except the guarding of their own battery."
246. Of Carson, Carleton wrote: "The world wide reputation of Colonel Carson as a partizan gives a good guarantee that anything that may be required of him which brings into practical operation the peculiar skill and high courage for which he is justly celebrated, will be done." Special Orders No. 176, Sept. 27, 1862, HQ DNM, DNM Orders, v. 40, p. 174, USAC, RG 393, NA.
247. Wallen to AAAG DNM, Sept. 1, 1862, LS, FU, USAC, RG 393, NA; and Chapin to M. S. Howe, Sept. 2, 1862, LS, DNM, M-1072, roll 2, USAC, RG 393, NA. For an account of one of these expeditions from Fort Union against Indians, which found none, see Hollister, Colorado Volunteers, 219-227.
250. Carleton to McFerran, Sept. 28, 1862, & Carleton to Backus, Oct. 12, 1862, LS, DNM, M-1072, roll 3, USAC, RG 393, NA; and Special Orders No. 196, Nov. 10, 1862, HQ DNM, DNM Orders, v. 40, pp. 196-197, USAC, RG 393, NA.
254. McCleave was an unusual solder. A native of Ireland, he had served ten years (much of that time as a sergeant) in the First Dragoons before joining the California Volunteers. He had been captured by Confederates while scouting in the spring of 1862 and was held prisoner for four months before he was exchanged. After he returned to duty, he refused to accept pay for the time he had been a prisoner, declaring "I am not here for pecuniary purposes, and respectfully ask that the amount [$582.50] revert to the Federal Government, whose servant I am." Carleton to Halleck, Nov. 14, 1862, ibid.; and Boyd, Cavalry Life in Tent and Field, 146-147. Mrs. Boyd considered him to be "a hero in the truest sense of the word." Ibid., 146.
257. After Fort Sumner was abandoned by the military, it was purchased by Lucien Maxwell, after he sold his large land grant north of Fort Union. Billy the Kid was killed and buried at old Fort Sumner in 1881.
260. Special Orders No. 209, Dec. 9, 1862, HQ DNM, DNM Orders, v. 40, p. 207, USAC, RG 393, NA. Craig was relieved of his duties as post quartermaster at the end of January 1863. Special Orders No. 7, Jan. 27, 1862, HQ DNM, DNM Orders, v. 40, pp. 222-223, USAC, RG 393, NA.
264. Carleton to Ellsberg & Amberg, Merchants, Dec. 15, 1862, ibid. The proprietors of the firm of Ellsberg & Amberg were permitted to take an oath of allegiance to the Union, after which the restrictions on trade with them were removed. Ibid., Jan. 28, 1863; and Carleton to McFerran, Jan. 30, 1863, ibid.
265. Shoup to Backus, Dec. 1, 1862, OR, Ser. 1, XV, 154-158; Carleton to Plympton, Dec. 5, 1862, Carleton to Thomas, Dec. 14, 1862 & Feb. 2, 1863, Carleton to John Greiner, Feb. 17, 1863, & DeForrest to Plympton, Feb. 21, 1863, LS, DNM, M-1072, roll 3, USAC, RG 393, NA; and James H. Pierce, "With the Green Russell Party," Trail, XIV (June 1921): 6-10. Pierce was with the Russell party when captured in 1862.
273. Carleton to Plympton, July 30, 1863, ibid. Plympton was directed to find the best location near the mouth of Ute Creek on the Canadian and erect buildings at Camp Easton, which was officially named Fort Bascom on Aug. 12, 1863, in the following order: hospital, commissary and quartermaster storehouse, bake house, shops, stables & corrals, soldiers' quarters, and officers' quarters. Fort Bascom was founded about 15 miles west of the mouth of Ute Creek on the north side of the Canadian River on Aug. 15, 1863, and was an active post until December 1870. It was always closely connected with Fort Union. Plympton was authorized to take the "unexpended balance" left over from the fieldwork at Fort Union to "be spent in the defences of Fort Bascom." Cutler to Plympton, Aug. 29, 1863, ibid.
279. Carleton to Thomas, Sept. 6, 1863 & Feb. 7, 1864, ibid.; and Carleton to McFerran, Mar. 3, 1864, ibid. Before all the Navajos were rounded up, Carson was sent to command Fort Sumner and oversee their reservation. For the history of the Navajo war, see L. R. Bailey, The Long Walk: A History of the Navajo Wars, 1846-1868 (Los Angeles: Westernlore Press, 1964); Lawrence C. Kelly, Navajo Roundup: Selected Correspondence of Kit Carson's Expedition Against the Navajo. 1863-1865 (Boulder: Pruett Pub. Co., 1970); and Frank McNitt, Navajo Wars: Military Campaigns, Slave Raids, and Reprisals (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1972).
281. McMullen to Wallen, Aug. 10, 1863, LS, FU, USAC, RG 393, NA; Cutler to McMullen, Aug. 14, 1863, & Carleton to McMullen, Aug. 25, 1863, LS, DNM, M-1072, roll 3, USAC, RG 393, NA; and General Orders No. 3, Feb. 24, 1864, HQ DNM, DNM Orders, v. 37, np, USAC, RG 393, NA. A similar escort was provided for Captain William H. Russell and his family, from Fort Union to Denver. McFerran to McMullen, Sept. 22, 1863, LR, FU, USAC, RG 393, NA.
301. Carleton to Carson, Aug. 15, 1864, & Carleton to Thomas, Aug. 27, 1864, LS, DNM, M-1072, roll 3, USAC, RG 393, NA; Special Orders No. 32, Aug. 20, 1864, HQ DNM, DNM Orders, v. 40, pp. 366-367, USAC, RG 393, NA; and AAAG DNM to CO FU, to Bergmann, & to Davis, Aug. 22, 1864, LS, DNM, M-1072, roll 3, USAC, RG 393, NA.
302. Davis to J. H. Butcher & to CO FU, Aug. 23, 1864, LR, FU, USAC, RG 393, NA; Abreu to Davis, Sept. 6, 1864, LS, FU, USAC, RG 393, NA; Updegraff to Abreu, Sept. 20, 1864, LR, ibid.; and Special Orders No. 73, Oct. 10, 1864, HQ Fort Larned, ibid.
303. One of those companies, commanded by Captain Louis Felsenthal, encamped near James S. Gray's Ranch on the Mountain Branch, providing protection for that region until the end of October 1864. On their way back to Fort Union the troops were caught in a series of snowstorms during which some people had frozen feet and most became snow blind. The mules were also in a "state of exhaustion." The soldiers and their two laundresses might have perished had they not received provisions and protection from Jesus Abreu at Rayado, where they stayed until they were fit to continue their march to Fort Union. Felsenthal to Post Adjt. FU, Nov. 9 & 14, 1864, LR, FU, USAC, RG 393, NA.
311. Carleton sent word to Major General James G. Blunt in Kansas that the Kiowas and Comanches were believed to be encamped near Palo Duro Creek, about equidistant from Forts Bascom and Larned. He urged that columns from both places proceed at the same time toward the Indians. Carleton to Blunt, Oct. 22, 1864, ibid. The troops from Fort Larned were not sent as Carleton had hoped.
312. Carleton to Carson, Oct. 19 & 23, 1864, & Carleton to Selden & Carleton to CO Fort Bascom, Oct. 22, 1864, ibid.; and General Orders No. 32, Oct. 22, 1864, HQ DNM, DNM Orders, v. 38, pp. 160-161, USAC, RG 393, NA.
313. The details of the expedition are found in Carson to Cutler, Dec. 4, 1864, LR, DNM, USAC, RG 393, NA (printed in OR, Ser. 1, XLI, pt. 1,939-942), and the reminiscences of Surgeon Courtright, "An Expedition Against the Indians in 1864," MS, Yale University Library, New Haven.
314. Lieutenant George H. Pettis, First California Volunteers, who was in command of the howitzers on the expedition, later interviewed Comancheros who were trading at the Kiowa and Comanche villages at the time of the engagement at Adobe Walls. They reported that the Indians declared, if it had not been for the artillery, "they would never have allowed a single white man to escape out of the valley of the Canadian." Pettis concluded, "I may say, with becoming modesty, that this was also the often expressed opinion of Colonel Carson." Quoted in Courtright, "An Expedition Against the Indians in 1864."
316. Carleton praised Carson's campaign, declaring "this brilliant affair adds another green leaf to the laurel wreath which you have so nobly won in the service of your country." Carleton to Carson, Dec. 15, 1864, ibid.
329. Carleton was incensed that Indian Agent Michael Steck issued passes to the Comancheros to trade with members of the plains tribes who were also raiding travelers on the plains. Carleton to AG USA, Jan. 29, 1865, LS, DNM, M-1072, roll 3, USAC, RG 393, NA.
Last Updated: 09-Jul-2005