Big Bend Administrative History

Whether using dignified shots of public officials, or teasers with attractive young women, the Big Bend publicity campaign needed the help of all newspapers in Texas. McClatchy would send press releases and photographs regularly to a list of 75 Lone Star dailies; a procedure that he had developed since the start of 1936. "In addition," he told Berta Clark Lassiter of the Alpine chamber, "we have been covering the field nationally, with occasional features and photographs to newspaper syndicates, magazines, and some of the individual eastern papers that have national distribution, such as The New York Times and The Christian Science Monitor." McClatchy saw it as unfortunate that the NPS could not afford "funds for furnishing mats nor are we otherwise able to service the weekly press." He told Lassiter that a "photo of the Texas girls contributing to the Big Bend Fund was sent to you in the hope you perhaps could issue mats occasionally to these smaller papers that cannot afford to make their own cuts." Horace Morelock noted that an appeal to workers in Texas's CCC camps could result not only in donations, but also in excellent public relations for the federal government. Morelock wrote to the superintendent of Texas state parks that "I am inviting all men in the C.C.C. camps in Texas not only to contribute $1.00 to the Big Bend National Park funds, but to write their friends back home, urging that they participate in this campaign." The local sponsors of the Everglades National Park in southern Florida also approached Morelock for advice on park fundraising. Will Mann Richardson, chief clerk for the Texas state parks board, responded to the Florida inquiry. Ernest F. Coe, director of the "Everglades National Park Association, Inc.," told Richardson that Florida already controlled over half of the 1,280,000 acres needed for the park. "Another 100,000 acres," Coe noted, "is available through the removal of a Seminole Indian Reservation from the Park area to other quarters." Unlike the Big Bend situation, the state of Florida had granted to the private land-acquisition agency "the power of eminent domain," Nonetheless, Coe asked for advice on the purchase of private lands with personal donations. [57]

In the fall of 1937, the park service managed to rebut the charges raised by treasure-hunters in the Big Bend country when Ross A. Maxwell concluded his study, "The Reported Gold-Quicksilver Deposits in the Big Bend Park Area." The future park superintendent of Big Bend was on the payroll of the CCC as a geologist, and had come to Brewster County soon after receiving his doctorate in that field. Maxwell noted the news media's fascination with the claims of "fabulously rich gold and quicksilver strikes in the Big Bend Park Area." He traveled to the supposed site of these claims, "approximately one and one-half miles north of the old Solis Ranch near the northwest flank of San Vicente mountain," and "approximately five miles southeast of Mariscal and seven and one-half miles southwest of San Vicente." The owner of this claim, Todd Bollman, "has apparently been careful to keep the location a secret," wrote Maxwell, and "consequently it has been necessary for the writer to play the part of a sleuth in order to locate it." Maxwell and several members of the CCC camp staff "have talked with some of the local people and who saw Bollman, and also checked the county mineral record claims." The CCC geologist "can vouch for the authenticity of these statements only by the confidence of his friends who have cooperated in every way to clear up these questionable ‘gold strike' stories." Thus Maxwell advised his superiors that "the part of this report dealing with the history of the prospect and the individuals involved should be confidential and not circulated outside of Federal and State Departments who are directly interested in this region." [58]

From his inquiries, Maxwell had learned that in 1933 or 1934, a man named T.A. Walker, "the son of a former land commissioner [for the] State of Texas, located a prospect in sec. 20, [Block] G. 17." Walker had "sunk a shaft to a depth of approximately 30 feet into the upper Boquillas flagstone," from which he extracted and assayed several samples. "None of them," Maxwell reported, "were good enough to encourage further development." Walker then assayed several samples "from an igneous sill that lies approximately 300 feet west of the shaft." Maxwell's sources contended that "this material contained gold at the rate of two dollars ($2.00) per ton." Walker then supposedly "divided his samples with a partner," and discovered in his assays "at least a trace of several kinds of metal." The samples that Walker gave to his partner, however, "were assayed by a reliable organization and showed nothing." Walker then transferred his claim to Melvin Lynn, "who is said to be an orchestra leader." Lynn and his partner, James Heacock, came down to the Big Bend from Yankton, South Dakota, late in 1936 with their spouses to camp at the abandoned Solis Ranch. "During December," reported Maxwell, "their living quarters became uncomfortably cold and the wives were moved into one of the cabins at Hot Springs." The next month "Lynn and Heacock disappeared," only to return some two weeks later "explaining that they had gone to San Antonio to raise money." Maxwell then learned that "soon after their return a stranger appeared;" a man whom local residents claimed was Todd Bollman. "The three men collected samples," said the CCC geologist, "and left telling that they had succeeded in raising plenty of money and that they would return if the samples assayed up to their expectations." [59]

It was Bollman's reappearance in the Big Bend in August 1937 that triggered media coverage of his claims. Maxwell had learned that Bollman "talked with people in Marathon and Terlingua . . . always telling of his ‘big strike' but never telling the location." Bollman also attracted notoriety because of his purchase of "a very small amount of powder, a small drill," and his rental of a shovel. While Bollman himself never resurfaced in the area, news stories soon appeared of the vein of gold and quicksilver that he had located. For Maxwell, the larger problem was not Bollman but the imitators who flocked to the Big Bend region to find their own strikes. While Bollman dug in the sands of the Terlingua District, "H.C. Slaughter is at the present time working a prospect on the northwest side of Talley Mountain." This Maxwell referred to as "a lost Spanish mine . . . on the site of an old Indian camp and shelter." The geologist surmised that "if there is any gold there it was probably lost by the Indians." In like manner one Harold Stephenson "is working a claim in Fresno Draw about three miles above Fresno Spring;" more precisely an area "about half-way between the South Rim and the Elephants Tusk (Indianola Peak)." Maxwell had heard that "some of the assays showed a true trace of gold and silver," but he had "not seen anything that would indicate that it will ever be a paying proposition." Someone named "Chief" Norton had a working claim "on the west side of the Deadhorse Mountains about five miles north of Alto Relex." This also showed "a trace of silver, lead, and zinc," but Maxwell estimated that "there is very little chance of finding minerals in commercial quantities." Finally, Maxwell reported that "several strangers who are probably prospectors have been seen in the park area during the past 10 days." One had made "headquarters at Glenn Springs," while three others "have been wandering over the area." Two additional men worked the land around the Solis ranch, although "these men claim that they are going to farm." The latter prospectors had built a house and planted a garden, leading Maxwell to conclude: "They may be farmers, but they don't look or act like it." [60]

As Maxwell walked over the surface of the Bollman claim (on "the eastern border of a narrow graben that lies to the east of Mariscal Mountain"), he found it "marked by a fault that crosses the Rio Grande near the mouth of the Mariscal Canyon." Its eastern boundary in turn crossed the river at the Solis Ranch house. "This down-dropped block," said the geologist, "averages about one and one-half mile in width and trends in a north-south direction." Maxwell then located a sill and fault in the Terlingua shale that could be "Bollman's lead." "Virtually all of the calcite and a small amount of the brecciated flagstone," he wrote, "has been stained with iron." This condition had led Walker to sink "a shaft along this fracture zone to a depth of 50 feet," only to find "nothing but Boquillas flags . . . encountered in the workings." Beyond this main shaft, Maxwell identified "several additional prospect pits." From one of these Bollman had extracted calcite that "apparently caused considerable excitement for the prospectors." A vein of diorite nearby also gave Walker "a two dollar ($2.00) per ton gold assay." Yet "the general lack of activity in the diorite," said the CCC geologist, "indicates that he was not interested in the mineralization there." Down below these pits, Maxwell found evidence of placer mining for gold amidst a stand of persimmon trees. Even this did not impress the geologist, as he reported: "It is more likely . . . that they wanted to make a showing, the digging was easy and they had a little shade." [61]

To validate his assumption, Maxwell asked Homer Wilson, "a local geologist and rancher," to test some of the samples. "None of the samples," reported Maxwell, "tested by either Wilson or the writer showed any trace of either gold or quicksilver." The rancher had "considerable experience in quicksilver prospecting and mining," and Maxwell "has a great deal of respect for his judgment on this problem." Maxwell and student technician geologist H.M. Eley had worked in the summer of 1936 to collect samples "from the dioritic sill a short distance from the Bollman prospect." While they found some traces of lead, Wilson agreed with Maxwell that "there is not any gold, quicksilver or other mineral of commercial value on the Bollman prospect or in the surrounding area that we investigated." This led Wilson and Maxwell to conclude: "These press stories are either a part of a ‘swindle game' to sell stock, or a plan to oppose the acquisition of land for the Big Bend National Park Project, based on the controversial question of the park vs. mineral resources and the Public Schools of Texas." Equally disturbing was the discovery by Maxwell that "there are not any prospecting permits on record under Bollman's name with the county officials at Alpine." Thus Maxwell had to write to state land commission officials in Austin to determine the extent of Bollman's holdings. [62]

With the good news emanating from the Maxwell study of mineral claims in the Big Bend, the park service and local park sponsors could proceed in the fall of 1937 with its publicity efforts. Horace Morelock wrote to the National Geographic Society in Washington to encourage its editors to plan a story on the future national park. "The scenic beauties of that section," wrote the Sul Ross president, "are attracting artists from far and wide." Morelock sent photographs of the natural wonders of the area "with the hope that the National Geographic Society may be interested in giving Texas an illustrated section on the Big Bend Park." Morelock hoped that the society would do for Big Bend what it had done recently for Carlsbad Caverns National Park, in that "the Associated Press carried a statement a few days ago that approximately one million people visited Carlsbad Cavern during this year." Everett Townsend likewise drafted a letter to the Fort Worth Star-Telegram to generate even more publicity. Townsend planned to donate a deed of 20 acres of his own land to the purchase campaign, including all the mineral rights. In addition, all property taxes had been paid on this land. This gesture was designed to counter the image of absentee ownership and tax delinquency that plagued the Big Bend area. Townsend also spoke out against the latest wave of prospectors that captivated the media's attention. "It is of no use to tell them of the futility of the quest," wrote Townsend, but the very region itself will teach them if they have the stamina to stay and the minds to learn." He considered it "chimerical and phantasmal to hope for valuable discoveries where every stone, ledge, and structure has been so completely analyzed by scientific minds." Instead, wrote Townsend, the Big Bend area "should be dedicated to peace, love, and harmony on the Western Hemisphere and all nations invited to participate." Thinking of the global conflict looming in Europe, Townsend mused: "What a glorious opportunity to show the Old World, reeking in its intrigues, hates, and wars, how neighbors should neighbor." Asked the old rancher: "If we love peace, let us set them the example by welding this chain of friendship." All Texans, said Townsend, "should consider it an honor and a privilege as well as a duty to contribute to this patriotic and sacred cause." This latter reference to divine inspiration led Townsend to conclude: "Let us consume less time in dedicating [the park] to His uses, else the future inhabitants of Texas will be reading its history in our fossilized bones." [63]

The Star-Telegram did not print all of Townsend's remarks, but on October 10 the Fort Worth daily did remind its readers of the ongoing campaign for donations, and of early champions of the park like Townsend. The Star-Telegram recalled how in 1916 a young Texas National Guard soldier, Jodie P. Harris, had sketched the Chisos Mountains on a post card that he sent to his family in Mineral Wells. While on duty with Company I at Camps Mercer and La Noria in pursuit of Pancho Villa, Harris overheard two officers (Major Coulter of the Pennsylvania National Guard, and Captain C.A. Davis of Mineral Wells) talking about the wonders of the Big Bend. "‘When we get back home,'" Davis supposedly remarked to Coulter, "‘let's start a move to make it a national park.'" Harris by 1937 worked in the oil business in his hometown, and read in the Star-Telegram of the Big Bend fund drive. "‘I'd just like for Captain Davis,'" wrote Harris, "‘to get some of the credit for thinking of the Big Bend National Park idea.'" Harris further noted that "many of the men posted in the area fell in line with Captain Davis' suggestion." One of these was Harry Rugely, "a young bugler who has since become an active figure in the drive." Rugely, according to Harris, "has ‘promoted' the idea since his return from the area when the military units were withdrawn." [64]

More significant than the news that Harry Rugely had labored in anonymity for two decades to create Big Bend National Park was the speech given on October 16 by Interior secretary Harold Ickes in support of the plan. First at the dedication of the $250 million Buchanan and Inks Dams on the Colorado River of Texas, near the town of Llano, and then before a group of oil industry executives in Houston, Ickes linked Big Bend to the larger goal of natural resource conservation promoted by several New Deal agencies. Introduced at the dam dedication ceremonies by U.S. Representative Lyndon Baines Johnson, Ickes noted the value of hydroelectric power to the revitalization of the Texas economy ravaged by a decade of depression. To the oil men Ickes gave thanks for their work in modernizing the nation's industry; something that he could not say for the representatives of private electric utility companies fearful of federal competition. Then he added a plea for the Brewster County chamber's efforts to generate funds for Big Bend National Park. "This is the last great wilderness area of Texas," said the Interior secretary, and he believed that "before it is too late this great State will take the steps necessary to preserve it for future generations of their children." The landscape was breathtaking, thought Ickes, including the view from the South Rim, where "the eye can sweep over a range of 200 miles of American and Mexican terrain." The cost of this land to Texas would be trifling, Ickes continued, as "a far greater expenditure than would be necessary could be justified on aesthetic and altruistic grounds alone." The million dollars needed for the land purchases, said the secretary, should be easy to raise, and Ickes claimed that "if he could have the profits Texas would make he would be glad to pay $10,000,000 for the land." [65]

Ickes also championed the international park concept in his Texas speeches, leading Daniel Galicia to inquire of Herbert Maier about the extent of the fundraising campaign. Galicia had completed a tour of the Big Bend area that October, and asked Maier if he could prevail upon Horace Morelock for "all of the printed data in connection with your campaign." Morelock, as with all matters involving promotion of Big Bend, wasted no time in corresponding with Galicia. "We have talked a good deal about the commercial value of the park," he informed the Mexican forestry chief, and "of its scenic beauties and its wealth of scientific material." Yet "in my judgment," Morelock noted, "we have overlooked its international value." Thus the Sul Ross president had decided to submit to newspapers in Texas the same article that he had sent Galicia that would appear in the El Paso-based Picturesque Southwest. Galicia had Morelock's permission to "use it in some publication in Mexico City." Morelock also informed Galicia: "I enjoyed knowing you personally, and I trust that the dreams of the National Park Service of Mexico and of the United States may be realized." [66]

All of this momentum in the local and regional press drove Morelock and park sponsors in the fall and winter of 1937 to seek out new audiences. Proof of the impact of the media coverage came for Morelock when he attended a Sunday picnic some ten miles south of Marathon. "I was surprised," he wrote to Maier, "at the number of cars on the road from Marathon to the Big Bend Park." Yet the Sul Ross president warned that "unless this road and the accommodations are kept in good shape, many people will be discouraged from visiting the Chisos Mountains, which might put a bad taste in the mouths of other people." Everett Townsend sent to William Hogan copies of a local paper, the "Voice of the Mexican Border," which contained stories about the ranching heritage of the Big Bend country, which he hoped could serve as inspiration for "the re-establishment of an ‘Old Time Ranch'" in the future park. Yet Maier could not ignore the potential for bad publicity implicit in a request by Victor Cahalane to publish a paper he had delivered to the Audobon Society on wildlife in the Chisos Mountains. "His comment" about mountain lions, Maier told Story, "while of course wholly accurate, has been omitted . . . because some of the ranch people in the Big Bend region feel pretty keenly on this subject." Thus the ECW official "felt best not to introduce any controversial matter into the news story because of possible effects on the present campaign to bring about establishment of the proposed National Park." [67]

Public perception of the land-purchase program became more significant to park service personnel as the year 1937 drew to a close. A mix of good and bad news continued to appear in Texas newspapers, with the Alpine Avalanche reporting on November 5 that the state legislature had passed, and Governor Allred had signed a bill which "defines the park boundaries, authorizes the State Parks board to receive donations of money and property for the park and vests the board with the power of eminent domain." While the measure included no monies for land acquisition, the Avalanche took heart in the news that both houses of the state legislature had passed the bill overwhelmingly. Then the Alpine weekly reviewed a story in Picturesque Southwest (without identifying the author) on the international park concept. The story labeled the park a "Peace University" that could attract students "from every country on the globe!" The author had noted that "‘diplomatic conferences in which greedy nations scheme for advantage have, in too many cases, resulted in no safer guarantee of permanent peace than the scrapping of treaties at the whim of dictators or in resentment by a whole people who feel they have been dealt with unjustly." The story saw in Big Bend the chance to dramatize how "peace between nations is achieved in the same way as friendship between individuals - a mutual understanding and good will between both parties." Concluded the Avalanche: "If we are to have enduring peace between nations, we must substitute the Good Samaritan for the horse trader." [68]

The "peace university" concept, however, had to compete with the perceptions of local residents and NPS officials regarding the realities of Big Bend. Arthur E. Demaray, acting NPS director, wrote on November 12 to Herbert Maier to warn him about the consequences of a press release sent by the latter "stating that 19 goats, stampeded by a black bear, jumped off the south rim of the Chisos Mountains," a situation that Maier had called a "tragedy." Speaking from the NPS headquarters in Washington, Demaray advised Maier: "We believe that this type of news release, while written in good faith and having news value, is certainly poor publicity for the proposed park and its wildlife." The acting director noted that "bears are not too common in the Big Bend area and we, of course, want to do everything possible to protect them and bring them back in normal numbers." This strategy had included NPS suggestions to "the Texas Fish and Game Department to place Brewster County bears on the list of protected game animals." Demaray believed, therefore, "that the press release . . . will not be appreciated by the local ranchmen, and may encourage hunters to disregard the law and kill bears - defeating our efforts to protect them." Maier was reminded "that you and your technical staff carefully check the scientific accuracy of all press releases issued from our office in the future and consider whether their direct or indirect efforts will be favorable to the established or proposed park areas in Region III." [69]

This degree of sensitivity to NPS planning surfaced also in the matter of a geologic map being drawn by Ross Maxwell. H.C. Bryant, assistant NPS director, advised Region III personnel "that no further publicity be given to the geologic map of the Big Bend . . . until the map is ready for publication or public distribution." While the drawings were "made as a record of survey, the purpose of which was to aid in the planning and development of the Big Bend project," Bryant worried that "until this project is more thoroughly established than at present, the information revealed by the survey should be retained for that purpose." He thought that "a map of this kind has considerable economic value and will be in demand by concerns interested in mining, oil prospecting, water rights, et cetera." Then, too, "the interpretation which these parties may place on the map, particularly if it is unaccompanied by explanatory texts, may result in action unfavorable to the project." The NPS, said Bryant, would not be able to respond to inquiries about the map's features, and he asked regional officials to wait "until Dr. Maxwell's work has been correlated with that of the U.S. Geological Survey, until the explanatory report has been prepared, and until some means for publishing it has been discovered." [70]

The park service's caution occurred in part because of the impending decision to close the CCC camp in the Chisos Mountains; a financial and public relations disaster, in the eyes of local park sponsors. Even though Ickes had championed the park in public addresses in November, U.S. Senator Morris Sheppard (one of the original sponsors of the 1935 legislation authorizing creation of Big Bend) asked the NPS for an explanation of rumors that the Chisos camp would be terminated. "In order to comply with the provisions of the Act extending the activities of the Civilian Conservation Corps for three years beyond July 1, 1937," wrote Fred T. Johnston, acting assistant NPS director, to Sheppard, "this Service has been compelled to terminate many camps during the past few months." By the end of 1937, the park service would have to close an additional 26 camps. This led Johnston to place the Chisos camp on that new list, a situation that the park service regretted. "In view of the present uncertainty concerning the future of the area," wrote Johnston, "it is believed that the termination of this camp will result in the least injury to the program in Texas as a whole." He wanted Sheppard to know, however, "that the Service is very much interested in the Big Bend area, and it is our intention to reestablish a CCC camp on the area when the necessary land has been acquired." [71]

This decision, while understandable, came just as local sponsors believed that they had convinced Governor Allred to change his mind on the land-acquisition program. On November 30, Allred announced his intention to proclaim "Big Bend National Park week" as soon as "those in charge of gathering the necessary $1,000,000 complete plans for the state-wide observance." The governor told reporters: "‘I heartily favor the project,'" and did not "‘believe there is a Texan from east to west or north to south who would not lend his every support once he is acquainted with what a Big Bend National [P]ark will mean to every section.'" He expressed his sorrow at vetoing the original land-purchase bill, but hoped that "‘everyone knows what prompted my rejection of the measure.'" Instead, he wanted all Lone Star citizens to know that "it will give me a great pleasure to issue a proclamation rallying all Texans to the movement to bring Big Bend National park into reality." But the formal announcement of the closure of the Chisos CCC camp accompanied Allred's praise of the private fundraising campaign. By December 15, the NPS would withdraw the approximately 180 enrollees for reassignment to camps in Arizona and New Mexico. The impact of this closure reached north to the Davis Mountains, where 40 of the Big Bend camp's members had been detailed to work on the Indian Lodge resort outside of Fort Davis. "Only the army staff, the educational advisor and doctor will be retained in the transfer," reported the Alpine Avalanche on December 3. The NPS had yet to reveal its plans for supervisory personnel like R.D. Morgan, but did know that Ross Maxwell would be moved north to the CCC camp at Palo Duro Canyon state park. "A caretaker will be left in charge of the property at the camp," said the Avalanche, "and accommodations will be provided for visitors, including meals and lodging." The CCC buildings and "40 cots and all kitchen equipment" would remain on the premises, and the "museum, housing many valuable specimens, is to remain open, in charge of the caretaker." The state highway department had agreed to maintain the seven-mile stretch of road from the Chisos campsite to the Burnham ranch, linking the camp with the state route from Marathon. [72]

As winter set in throughout the Big Bend area, park sponsors and NPS officials could take little comfort from Allred's faith in private donations. Park promoters had worked feverishly throughout 1937 to convince the state legislature of the merits of taxpayer-funded land purchases, only to face the daunting task of organizing a solicitation venue in a state unfamiliar with such initiatives. Everett Townsend spoke for many park boosters on December 23, when he told Herbert Maier of the obstacles still in place to a successful fund drive. "No one seems to know how much has been collected to date," said Townsend. "In fact," continued the former county sheriff, "there is no way of knowing because as yet no effort has been made to assemble it at one place." Townsend also saw "no reason why the total amount has grown very much over the sum as it was estimated some time ago, which you will probably remember, was from thirty to forty thousand dollars." Townsend had just visited with state parks board director William Lawson, who "dictated letters to Mr. Record and Dr. Morelock asking that every effort be made to ascertain the approximate sum in order that he can report it to a meeting of the State Wide Committee." Townsend and other park sponsors had decided to enlist Governor Allred to make a personal appeal to "a list of one hundred of the most prominent people in Texas." They would be asked to attend a meeting in Austin on January 17, 1938, "for the purpose of setting up an organization to push the campaign for raising funds for the Big Bend National Park." Allred would request the services of these individuals, who would return to their home communities to "get to work." This Townsend believed would make the campaign more meaningful to donors, and to media outlets whose coverage the park sponsors so desperately needed. [73]

A year that had begun with such promise for sponsors of Big Bend National Park had ended with anxieties about its future. Evading the rules prohibiting federal involvement in state legislature matters, the NPS joined with west Texas park advocates to deluge the Lone Star state's lawmakers with news releases, personal tours of the planned park unit, and employment of Everett Townsend as the park service's liaison in Austin. But the realities of the Great Depression and the fierce streak of independence on the part of Texas politicians and citizens, forced Governor Allred to deny the Lone Star state its first national park. From there the NPS entered an unknown world of private fundraising that would delay the dream of park creation for the next seven years. For the next two years, park advocates struggled to rekindle their dream of saving Texas's "last frontier."

Figure 10: Chisos Basin Store and Gas Station