Big Bend Administrative History

Maxwell's superiors in Santa Fe and Washington expressed surprise at this request, while agreeing to the change of management. Conrad Wirth, now the director of the park service, told Maxwell: "It was quite a shock to me to note . . . that you are suffering from a semi-paralysis of your arm and leg." Wirth advised Maxwell "to get yourself back in good physical condition," and he hoped that "the baths, combined with complete rest and relaxation, will have you feeling fine within a short time." Regional director Tillotson recalled in mid-December seeing Maxwell in Santa Fe two months earlier, and noted that "it was very evident to all of us that you were in a much poorer physical condition than I or any of the rest of us had ever seen you." Tillotson insisted that Maxwell take the leave to go "to Hot Springs or some place where you can get clear away from the office, and anything that may have been worrying you." He believed that Big Bend had "an excellent staff," and that "you can be sure that all affairs of the park are in highly competent hands." [23]

Maxwell's sudden decline in health led the NPS to remove him a year later as superintendent, replacing the former regional geologist with Lemuel A. ("Lon") Garrison. A former chief ranger at Grand Canyon National Park, Garrison would serve two years as superintendent at Big Bend (1952-1954). His primary task would be to restore the goodwill between local residents and the park that had suffered through the turbulence of the last months of the Maxwell era. Evidence of this important task of operations came with Garrison's first annual report (fiscal year 1953), wherein "Public Relations" was the first category. "Relationships with surrounding communities," said Garrison, "have continued good throughout the year." The park hosted a series of what Garrison called "Show-Me Days," wherein communities in west Texas were invited to special tours of Big Bend. Garrison and his rangers also "visited many communities throughout the State emphasizing the value to Texas, of Big Bend National Park." One reason for the good reception to these gestures, said Garrison, was that "due to the prolonged [drought] conditions in this region, the usual economy based on stock raising is on the decline." In its place, said the superintendent, "the potentialities of the tourist business have appealed to business men in adjacent communities." [24]

As if the controversy over Maxwell's departure was not enough, Superintendent Garrison entered Big Bend in what would become the tenth year of a prolonged drought. Garrison noted "serious adverse effects on vegetation, spring flows and water table levels." Stock ponds fed by natural springs had dried up, and wells had to be dug deeper to find lesser quantities of water. "Wells at Panther Junction and the Chisos Mountain Basin," reported Garrison, "do not yield sufficient water to meet summer needs and a pump will be installed in one of the wells near K-Bar to furnish water to be hauled to the Basin." The superintendent remarked that "during May, the Rio Grande is dry, except for pools from above Santa Elena Canyon to Hot Springs." He also learned that "no crop was planted at San [Vicente] and the crop at Solis ranch was lost due to lack of water." Garrison predicted that "present conditions point toward failure of the cotton crop at Castolon, while poor range conditions forced ranchers to feed cattle "which has made their financial situation precarious." Drought also drove wildlife further into the Chisos Mountains, where in the summer of 1953 "one lion, which persisted in molesting people . . . was destroyed." Garrison's staff also had to corral feral burros to reduce the competition of these animals with native wildlife for forage and water. [ 25]

In Lon Garrison's second year of his superintendency (1954), Big Bend took a major step toward addressing the concerns expressed about amenities and services with the completion of an electric power line into the park. The Rio Grande Electric Cooperative, Inc., connected Big Bend to its main line east of Alpine, with service being provided to the Boquillas ranger station and "the proposed Hacienda Rio Grande and Mexican Village development sites." In so doing, reported Garrison, the park had "eliminated 10 power generating units used by the National Park Service and permitted replacement of gasoline power units, at wells and pumps, with electric motors." Big Bend also could provide "electric lights in guest cabins and improved refrigeration" for the NPCI concession facilities. The state of Texas highway department also contributed to the improvement of services in the park, with the completion of State Route 118 from Alpine to the park's west entrance. [26]

In matters of employee housing, however, Garrison had less optimistic news to report for fiscal year 1954. "Adequate housing at planned locations," he wrote, "must be provided for Service employees without further delay to achieve desirable levels of economy and efficiency in park administration." He noted that CCC structures in place since the mid-1930s "were utilized for housing, office, warehouse and storage space." These were to be temporary, but "no program for renovation and rehabilitation was followed as funds were not provided for such a project." Since 1950, the NPS had constructed four residential buildings at Panther Junction. Fourteen employees and their families, wrote Garrison, "still occupy sub-standard quarters in the badly deteriorated CCC buildings," which the superintendent warned "cannot be maintained in even minimum acceptable condition." These "old buildings, of dried cut, highly flammable material, constitute a serious fire hazard and a constant threat to the safety of the occupants." The same could be said for the existing structures at Grapevine Hills, K-Bar, and Government Spring. [27]

What Garrison proposed was to consolidate employee housing at a central location, as "moving all but two of the employees to Panther Junction would eliminate or greatly reduce the hauling of water a distance of 12 miles to supplement the available water supply and effect an important saving." The superintendent wanted 20 new housing units at Panther Junction, two in the Chisos Basin, one at Persimmon Gap, and two at "Santa Elena Junction." He believed that "efficient park administration and protection, employee morale, health and safety, and economy of operation cannot be achieved until adequate employee housing is constructed." In the meantime, a temporary employee's house trailer and tent site had been selected at Panther Junction to initiate the plan to have most of the seasonal park employees reside there. At that moment, Garrison had seasonal rangers, fire control aides and approximately sixteen temporary laborers, truck drivers and skilled or semi-skilled employees living in tents in the Chisos Basin. Panther Junction offered a "central location where they report for work each morning." The U.S. Geological Survey had sent members of its Groundwater Branch to Big Bend, where they found that "the water available from the K-Bar Wells appears to be adequate to meet all anticipated needs at Panther Junction for the next ten years or indefinitely." Garrison also included plans for "the new service station which the Concessioner proposes to build." At the eastern and western ends of the park, Garrison could report better news. "The domestic water supply at the Boquillas ranger station and the Government Spring residence," said the superintendent, "were improved by complete cleaning and enclosure of the springs, by small concrete block houses, installation of electrically operated pumps and improved storage tanks." [28]

In January of 1955, Lon Garrison and his family left Big Bend so that he could accept an appointment in Washington, DC as chief of protection and conservation for the park service. To replace him, the park service dispatched George Miller as the park's third superintendent. Soon after his arrival, Miller could report that the Southwestern Bell Telephone Service had extended its line to Panther Junction, and by March 1955 had reached the Chisos Basin with telephone connections. "Not only does this greatly improve our communications," wrote Miller in his annual report for 1955, but it also "cuts down on our official travel costs, facilitates operations and is a real convenience to visitors." Motorola Communications and Electronics, Inc., also accepted a contract that year to install better radio service throughout the park. Yet a third achievement in Miller's first year as superintendent was completion of "one of the most distinctive water systems of the Service." No fewer that three lines of pipe ran "over very rugged terrain" to Panther Junction, reported Miller, with a 1,500-foot lift and a 500,000-gallon storage tank constituting the $150,000 project. Miller also noted that "we are planning to undertake an experiment in concentrating visitor use facilities where water is available." [29]

The year 1955 was memorable for Big Bend because of the decision to host the long-delayed park dedication. Superintendent Miller collected details of the park's operational history for media and tourism officials to distribute in advance of the November 21 ceremony. From the park's inception, Miller told F.W. Burton, chairman of the organizational committee of the Texas Tourist and Development Foundation, the NPS had expended some $4 million "for the construction of roads, trails, and other facilities — all directly or indirectly related to making the area accessible and available to the people of the country." Miller also had learned from NPS officials in Washington of the new construction program known as MISSION 66, in which the federal government planned to spend approximately $13,000,000 to develop roads, trails, parking areas, campgrounds, picnic areas, water and sewer systems, visitor centers, employee housing. Additional evidence of the scope of MISSION 66 operations was Miller's statement that "private capital in the estimated amount of two and one-half million dollars will be required for the development of overnight accommodations for the traveling public." The superintendent conceded that "a concessioner willing to spend this amount of money in the next ten years has not yet been found." Yet Miller hoped that with the increase in government funding, such a concessionaire could be found. [30]

To demonstrate the need for investment in Big Bend's infrastructure, Miller asked Burton of the Texas tourist agency whether "your organization may be in a position to help locate capital for such development." The superintendent acknowledged that few Texans came to Big Bend. As the park was "of national caliber and significance," said Miller, it was "advertised nationwide and we do have a large percentage of out-of-state visitors." He then cited visitation totals for the previous decade:

These numbers reflected the fact that Big Bend charged no admission fees, and until 1953 the park had no traffic counters at the entrances. "The park is presently administered, maintained and operated by a staff of 30 permanent employees," augmented by summer seasonal employees. "It is expected," Miller told Burton, that the permanent staff will more than double as the park becomes more developed, with the resultant increase in visitor travel." Then he advised the Texas tourist agency official that "under the MISSION 66 program we shall be spending over a million dollars this fiscal year on major roads, buildings and utilities." Miller's park had seen a six-fold increase in staffing since the day that Ross Maxwell had entered on duty, and the growth in facility expenditures in the first year of MISSION 66 equaled one-quarter of all funds invested in Big Bend in its first eleven years of operations. In like manner, visitation had increased exponentially, with the high point of 1952 representing an advance of a factor of 110. [31]

Miller's pride in Big Bend's accomplishments reached its apogee on November 21, 1955, when Douglas McKay, Secretary of the Interior gave the keynote address at the park's dedication. Standing before a crowd of 1,100 visitors and dignitaries from the state of Texas, the Republic of Mexico, and the NPS, McKay looked out over the landscape and declared the ceremony "a proud and memorable occasion." With the United States and Mexican flags flying together in the fall breeze, the Interior secretary apologized for the absence of "that great son of Texas and noble American, Dwight D. Eisenhower." The president had suffered a heart attack earlier that year, but McKay conveyed Eisenhower's wish to praise "this, the seventh largest of all our twenty-eight national parks." The former Supreme Allied Commander in World War II wanted the audience that day to know, said McKay, that he valued Big Bend's creation "not alone because of his very deep and sincere appreciation of the priceless value of our national parks, nor because Big Bend is in his native state." More important to the career soldier was "the fact that this park was conceived as a symbol of international peace." McKay recalled that Big Bend "was formally established on June 12, 1944, while our soldiers were fighting to establish a beachhead in France." Unfortunately, said the Interior secretary, "when peace finally came after that terrible war, it proved only temporary." Instead, "plans for this dedication ceremony had to be shelved while sons of Texas joined other American boys on the bloody battlefields of Korea." [32]

With conflict in Far East resolved, McKay could convey to the attendees the president's belief that "people of all nations seem now to look more to their hearts than to their armed might in developing plans for a peaceful world." Thus the Interior secretary found it "altogether fitting, then, that in this era of heartfelt hope, we should dedicate this great gift from the people of Texas to the people of America." McKay especially praised the work of the "International Good Neighbor Council" to resurrect the dream of an international peace park between the United States and Mexico. In a reference to the Cold War tensions still affecting world affairs, McKay reminded his audience that "the pooling and mutual sharing of great scenic treasures along those borders [between the United States, Canada, and Mexico] is an inspiring example to the troubled peoples behind the iron and bamboo curtains of the way free men and women can live in peace and friendship." As if to emphasize the challenge of peace in the postwar era, the Interior secretary noted that "the land is peaceful now, and always shall be, but it was not always so." From the volcanic eruptions of eons before, to the warfare between Indian tribes and the Spanish, to the "cattle rustlers and outlaws" of the nineteenth century, Big Bend had a cultural legacy that marked it as unique in the NPS system. [33]

The twentieth century had a different story to tell, thought McKay, as "peace came to this wild country when free men settled down and learned under democracy to live with one another as neighbors." The Interior secretary cited "Captain Everett Ewing Townsend" as one of "the early teachers of the virtues of law and order and the principles of good neighborliness." To the longtime rancher and public servant, said McKay, "all of us are forever indebted for the part he played in paving the way for the establishment of Big Bend National Park." Townsend's foresight, and that of Horace Morelock and Amon Carter, declared McKay, was evidenced by the fact that "only 28 of the 181 areas in the National Park System can bear that proud title [of national park]." The Interior secretary also praised the citizens of Texas, who "did not ask Uncle Sam to acquire the land." Once the NPS opened the gates to Big Bend, "it was not easy or comfortable to visit this beautiful wilderness area." Yet from a base of 850 visitors in its first year, predicted McKay, "ten years from now — in 1966 — the number of visitors to Big Bend will approximate 500,000, according to our National Park Service experts." Such visitation patterns could threaten the serenity of the Chisos Basin, said the Interior secretary, and "to permit this to happen would be a desecration." Yet McKay comforted his audience by intoning: "It shall not happen. That I can promise." [34]

Then McKay offered a breathtaking synopsis of the planning process that the park service had in mind for Big Bend. "The rugged beauty of the Chisos Mountains," he declared, "will be preserved by restraining over-development." The former automobile dealer from Salem, Oregon, conceded that "of course, the facilities now here must be improved and modernized." Yet "park planners feel . . . the construction of roads and the developed area in the Basin has progressed just about as far as it can without harming the scenery." Instead "future plans contemplate the establishment of an attractive village in an oasis near the river in the vicinity of Hot Springs." "Here the Park's principal visitor accommodations would be concentrated," said McKay, with "motels, cabins, stores and other visitor facilities . . . created and operated by park concessioners." Once the NPS installed "roads, water and sewage facilities and public campgrounds," it then would build "a spur road [to] take visitors to the spectacular Mariscal Canyon area." Yet another development was contemplated "for the Santa Elena Canyon area with provision for expansion to meet the growing needs of the future." [35]

This grand scheme for Big Bend comprised part of the larger MISSION 66 initiative, so called "because we hope to reach its objectives in 1966 when the National Park Service will celebrate the golden anniversary of its establishment by Congress." McKay claimed that "in my long career as a public official [including service as mayor of Salem, Oregon, and governor of Oregon], no duty has been more rewarding or brought me more personal satisfaction than that of exercising stewardship over the parks in which our people find enjoyment." He declared MISSION 66 "one of the most important developments in the entire history of the National Park Service," especially in light of his discovery upon taking office in 1953 that "the Park Service was attempting to take care of almost 50 million visitors in a park system developed to handle about half the number." Since the peak of CCC and New Deal construction, "the demands of World War II, the Korean War and the cold war had forced curtailments all along the line." [35]

McKay then placed Big Bend's MISSION 66 improvements within the context of system-wide efforts to rejuvenate the park service. The NPS budget had increased under the Eisenhower administration some 40 percent (to $45 million), making Big Bend's $1 million allocation for fiscal year 1956 eight percent of the entire NPS increase. McKay emphasized that "we have encouraged concessioners to make substantial improvements toward improving and expanding the facilities they operate." He also noted proudly that "we have added new land to the system every year." MISSION 66 reflected what the secretary called "aggressive action . . . to put the park system in shape to meet future demands which are clearly foreseeable." Mindful of the congressional mandate "that the park areas must be preserved for the benefit and enjoyment of the American people," McKay seized the opportunity at Big Bend's dedication to remind his audience that "the thought of rationing use of our parks is repugnant to me." Americans, however, "must face the hard truth that visitor enjoyment is impaired by masses of people who crowd to the same spot to see the same view at the same time." Warning that "rationing the beauty of our national parks might be the only solution if we stood still," the Interior secretary nonetheless concluded that "we can reject such a suggestion only because we are moving forward" in parks like Big Bend. [36]

Little did Douglas McKay or his audience at the 1955 park dedication realize that MISSION 66 would mark the high point of facilities development at Big Bend for decades to come. When Superintendent Miller prepared his annual report for fiscal year 1956, he could note that the president's Bureau of the Budget had approved of "construction of twenty badly needed residences at park headquarters, the completion — except for bridges — of a surfaced road to the Rio Grande Village area, and an initial development at the Graham Ranch site that will provide the much needed facilities for the visiting public." The administration had rejected the NPS's original request for $18 million in MISSION 66 funds for Big Bend, settling on the lesser figure of $13 million. This renewed interest in the park crossed over to land acquisition, where in August 1956 the NPS purchased the 1,420-acre J.W. Gilmer property at San Vicente for $50,000. In addition, Miller could report the acquisition of the 500-acre Don Thomas ranch at Solis, which cost the NPS $40,145. Still remaining as in-holdings were the Ulice Adams property, some 640 acres south of Boquillas Canyon, and the 320 acres owned by the Tinsley family of Spokane, Washington. Finally, Big Bend reacquired acreage used by the Civil Aeronautics Administration (CAA) for a tracking station. [37]

For the next generation, planning at Big Bend rarely encompassed new structures, roads, bridges, or visitor accommodations. A pattern that Big Bend shared with other parks that benefited from MISSION 66 largesse was a slow decline in the upkeep and maintenance of their facilities. This was attributable to two factors: the creation in the 1960s and 1970s of many more units of the NPS (up to 370 by the year 2000), many of them historic sites with building rehabilitation as their primary need. In addition, there was a sense by 1965 that parks like Big Bend had received their share of support. Visitation rarely peaked above 350,000 for the remainder of the century (a far cry from Douglas McKay's prediction in 1955 of one-half million by 1966). Not until the early 1990s would the NPS (at its historic planning conference in October 1991 in Vail, Colorado) develop a plan to address park needs left languishing for three decades and more. In the meantime, Big Bend would face a future not recognized by Douglas McKay and his audience on that sunny day in 1955, with brand-new buildings and an optimism to match.

Figure 19: Rio Grande Village Store