SANTA FE Special History Study

¹Of this loyalty and faithfulness the United States are probably more aware than the citizens of Spain. Cognizant of the abandonment with which Spain has kept this province, they [United States] have tried to attract it through various means. . . they have done this by means of a beneficial commerce, inviting us with benign and protective laws, to join this precious portion of territory to that of the Louisiana purchase. Juan Bautista Pino's book, Exposición sucinta y sencilla de la provincia de Nuevo México, is printed in its original form in Three New Mexico Chronicles, ed. and trans. by H. Bailey Carroll and J. Villasana Haggard (New York: Arno Press, 1967), 211-261. The above citation is from pages 224-225.

²Frances V. Scholes, "The Supply Service of the New Mexican Missions in the Seventeenth Century," New Mexico Historical Review V (1930), 93-115, 186-210, 386-404; Max L. Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road: Trade and Travel on the Chihuahua Trail (Norman: University of Oklahoma Trade, 1958), 34-35, 40-43; John O. Baxter, Las Carneradas: Sheep Trade in New Mexico, 1700-1860 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1987), 79; Alfred Barnaby Thomas, ed. and trans., Forgotten Frontiers: A Study of the Spanish Indian Policy of Don Juan Bautista de Anza, Governor of New Mexico, 1777-1787 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1932), 178, 180, 345; Ralph Emerson Twitchell, comp., The Spanish Archives of New Mexico, 2 vols. (Glendale, California: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1914), (hereafter SANM1, SANM2), 1299, 1342. The other two routes were the West Mexican Interior Trail, and the Mexican Coastal Trail. These trails greatly facilitated the spread of Mesoamerican culture, agriculture, and religion.

³Scholes, "Mission Supply Service," 187-88; Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road, 28-35; SANM, 1342.

⁴Scholes, "Mission Supply Service," 188; Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road, 34, 49. The most common efectos delpaís (local products) were piñones (pinyon nuts), salt, candles, buffalo hides, gamuzas (deer hides), weavings, blankets, and a coarsely woven cloth, sayal. It is not clear if the use of the wagons for freighting goods from New Mexico was legal, although the governors frequently took the position that the wagons, being the property of the Crown, were at their disposal after the supplies from New Spain had been delivered. James E. Ivey argues that it is unlikely that such an important resource as the supply wagons would have gone unutilized and returned to Mexico City empty. He believes that the conflict was probably over how much space the governor could legitimately claim in the wagons, "In the Midst of a Loneliness: The Architectural History of the Salinas Missions," Southwest Cultural Resources Center, Professional Paper No. 15, Santa Fe, New Mexico, Second Printing 1991, 206. For a general description of the local products that were being exported, see L. B. Bloom, "A Trade Invoice of 1638," New Mexico Historical Review 10 (1935), 242-248.

⁵SANM2, vol. II, 327, 456, 514, 1304, 1324; Henri Folmer, "Contraband Trade Between Louisiana and New Mexico in the Eighteenth Century," New Mexico Historical Review 16 (1941) 249-274; Henri Folmer, "The Mallet Expedition of 1739 Through Nebraska, Kansas, and Colorado to Santa Fe," Colorado Magazine 16 (1939), 161-173; Abraham P. Nasatir, Borderland in Retreat: From Spanish Louisiana to the Far Southwest (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1976), 86-106; Marc Simmons, New Mexico: A Bicentennial History (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1977), 79-81; Luis Navarro García, "The North of New Spain as a Political Problem in the Eighteenth Century," in New Spain's Far Northern Frontier: Essays on Spain in the American West, 1540-1821, ed. David J. Weber (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1979), 205; R. L. Duffus, The Santa Fe Trail (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1958), 19-27; Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road, 55-56.

⁶After 1795 there appears to be a growing number of Frenchmen coming to Santa Fe, SANM2, 1888, 1942, 2010, 2023, 2090, 2484, 2565, 2646; Isaac Joslin Cox, "Opening the Santa Fe Trail," Missouri Historical Review 25 (1930), 30-66; Noel L. Loomis and Abraham P. Nasatir, Pedro Vial and the Roads to Santa Fe (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1967), 110-136, provide a detailed account of the diplomatic, political, and economic factors leading to increased French presence in the New Mexican territory; George Ulibarri, "The Chouteau-Demun Expedition to New Mexico, 1815-1817," New Mexico Historical Review 36 (1961), 263-273; William E. Foley and C. David Rice, The First Chouteaus: River Barons of Early St. Louis (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1983), 176.

⁷SANM2, 1871, 1900, 1925 (32), 2009, 2291, 2340, 2714; Donald Dean Jackson, The Journals of Zebulon Montgomery Pike: With Letters and Related Documents, 2 vols (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1966); Cox, "Opening the Santa Fe Trail," 46-66; Loomis and Nasatir, Pedro Vial, 12-13, 137-261.

⁸De Anza also claimed to have opened the road between Santa Fe and Arizpe in the province of Sonora, Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers, 367; Navarro García, "The North of New Spain," Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers, 367; SANM2, 1187, 1322, 1333; George P. Hammond, "The Zuñiga Journal, Tucson to Santa Fe: The Opening of a Spanish Trade Route, 1788-1795," New Mexico Historical Review 6 (1931), 40-65. There were other expeditions of this type. In 1787 Jose Mares went from Santa Fe to San Antonio and returned the following year, Loomis and Nasatir, Pedro Vial, 288-315. Another expedition was led by interpreter Joseph Miguel who left Santa Fe in June 1800. Miguel was accompanied by two Indians from Taos and four genízaros and was to explore the territory from New Mexico to the Missouri, SANM2, 1490. In 1808 Francisco Amangual embarked on a reconnaissance of the territory between Santa Fe and San Antonio and kept a detailed diary of his expedition, SANM2, 2139; Loomis and Nasatir, Pedro Vial, 459-534.

⁹Loomis and Nasatir, Pedro Vial, provide the most complete account of the extensive travels of Pedro Vial; SANM2, 1187, 1321, 1322, 1323, 1333, 1953; Simmons, New Mexico, 95-96.

¹⁰Spanish documents referred to the Indians as naciones bárbaras, indios barbaros, salvajes, or gentiles. Spaniards, Mexicans, Americans, and the Indians themselves participated in slave-trading, a nefarious activity that continued to be quite common at least through the 1850s, see Leland Hargrave Creer, "Spanish-American Slave Trade in the Great Basin, 1800-1853," New Mexico Historical Review 24 (1949), 171-183; Marc Simmons, The Little Lion of the Southwest: A Life of Manuel Antonio Chaves (Chicago: Swallow Press, 1973), 34-37; Thomas D. Hall, Social Change in the Southwest, 1350-1880, (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas), 123-28, 168-69.

¹¹For proceedings against "embarrassing" and illegal trading, see SANM2, 185, 339, 340, 402, 403, 414, 429, 497, 530, 740, 912, 913, 920, 1393, 2511; Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers, 300-301, 306; William B. Griffen, Utmost Good Faith: Patterns of Apache-Mexican Hostilities in Northern Chihuahua Border Warfare, 1821-1848, (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988), 6-7; Navarro García, "The North of New Spain," 210-212; Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers, 380; SANM, 1393, 1670a, 1953; Foley and Rice, The First Chouteaus, 123. It has been claimed that the Spaniards did not want to rid New Mexico of the Indian menace, for most of the Indians made periodic trips to the settlements to conduct fairs of their own and traded valuable furs for trinkets, Loomis and Nasatir, Pedro Vial, 16-17.

¹²Spanish objectives also included winning and holding the allegiance of the Indian tribes of Louisiana and the Plains, keeping those tribes hostile to all foreigners, specially the English, excluding unlicensed traders, encouraging friendly tribes to pillage French traders, inducing friendly Indians to cross the Mississippi from the east and to establish posts to encourage those crossings, controlling the Indians through carefully regulated trade, and keeping them in a peaceful frame of mind toward the Spaniards, Loomis and Nasatir, Pedro Vial, 77-78, 80. The Spanish Archives of New Mexico contain large number of records documenting the resources spent in buying gifts and trying to pacify the various tribes, SANM2, 1025, 1228, 1287a, 1303a, 1320, 1366, 1395, 1400, 1410, 1428, 1513, 1633, 1769, 2076. After 1800 hostilities seem to have risen and by 1806 the Navajo chiefs were demanding gifts, SANM2, 1985; Griffen, In Utmost Good Faith, 12-18; Frances Leon Swadesh, Los Primeros Pobladores: Hispanic Americans of the Ute Frontier (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1974), 24-25, 163-170.

¹³R. L. Duffus, The Santa Fe Trail (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1958), 27; William deBuys, Enchantment and Exploitation: The Life and Hard Times of a New Mexico Mountain Range (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1985), 69, 75, 94, 97; Leland Hargrave Creer, "Spanish-American Slave Trade in the Great Basin, 1800-1853," New Mexico Historical Review 24 (1949), 171-183; Marc Simmons, New Mexico: A Bicentennial History (New York: W. W. Norton, 1977), 85-86; Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers, 306. Taos remained the most important fur-trading center in the southern Rockies throughout the 1820s and 1830s, deBuys, Enchantment and Exploitation, 94.

¹⁴Peter Gerhard, The Northern Frontier of New Spain (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), 161-243; Oakah L. Jones, Jr., Nueva Vizcaya: Heartland of the Spanish Frontier (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988), 117-147; John O. Baxter, Las Carneradas: Sheep Trade in New Mexico, 1700-1860 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1987), 42-43; Marc Simmons, Spanish Government in New Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1968), 12-13, 72-73; Moorhead, The Royal Road, 49-54. In 1805 the viceroy decreed that all goods bartered by New Mexicans at the annual fair in San Bartolome valley would be free from the payment of alcabala, Lansing Bartlett Bloom, "New Mexico Under Mexican Administration, 1821-1846," Old Santa Fe I (July 1913), 40.

¹⁵Enrique Florescano, "The hacienda in New Spain," in Colonial Latin America, ed. by Leslie Bethell (London: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 275-276; Henry Bamford Parkes, A History of Mexico (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1969), 100-104.

¹⁶Florescano, "The hacienda in New Spain," 276; Lillian E. Fisher, "Commercial Conditions in Mexico at the End of the Colonial Period," New Mexico Historical Review 7 (1932), 143-164; Parkes, History of Mexico, 104.

¹⁷MANM, roll 9 # 1142-1143; Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road, 49-52; Jones, Nueva Vizcaya, 122, 186-188; Baxter, Las Carneradas, 43.

¹⁸Macleod, "Aspects of the internal economy," discusses how the peso fuerte or peso de a ocho, a silver coin divided into eight reales, was often cut with a cold chisel in two parts to make tostones, or in eight 'bits' or reales, 359-360; Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers, 113-114; Loomis and Nasatir, Pedro Vial, 5; Hubert H. Brancroft, History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888 (San Francisco: History Company, 1889), 277-78; SANM2, 247; Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road, 50.

¹⁹Moorhead documented the extent of the New Mexico increasing economic dependence on Chihuahua's merchants, particularly as they obtained contracts to supply the garrison at New Mexico, New Mexico's Royal Road, 52-54.

²⁰Florescano, "The hacienda in New Spain," 275-277; Fray Juan Agustín de Morfi, "Geographical Description of New Mexico," Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers, 113-114; Marc Simmons, ed. and trans., Fray Juan Agustín de Morfi's Account of Disorders in New Mexico, 1778 (Isleta, N. M.: Historical Society of New Mexico, 1977), 14-21. The practice of mortgaging crops years in advance would continue through the nineteenth century, see Rafael Armijo papers, New Mexico State Records Center.

²¹Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road, 49.

²²Every European government, during the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries, followed mercantilism. This economic policy meant that the state directed all economic activities within its borders, theoretically subordinating private profit to public good. In particular governments sought to increase national wealth by discouraging imports and encouraging exports.

²³Lillian E. Fisher, "Commercial Conditions in Mexico," 145; Charles C. Cumberland, Mexico: The Struggle for Modernity (New York: Oxford University Press, 1968), 84-112; Henry Bamford Parkes, A History of Mexico (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1969), 100-104; Loomis and Nasatir, Pedro Vial and the Roads to Santa Fe, 5-6.

²⁴Murdo J. Macleod, "Aspects of the internal economy," 340-341; Parkes, History of Mexico, 100.

²⁵Macleod, "Aspects of the internal economy," 340-341; Lillian E. Fisher, "Commercial Conditions m Mexico," 146-147; Parkes, History of Mexico, 100. For a detailed discussion of the taxation in the Spanish colonies see C. H. Haring, The Spanish Empire in America (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1947), 256-78. New Mexico was one of the provinces that remained exempt from paying the alcabala through the 1840s.

²⁶Fisher, "Commercial Conditions in Mexico," 146-147; Haring, The Spanish Empire in America, 256-278; Macleod, "Aspects of the internal economy," 340-343; Parkes, History of Mexico, 100-101.

²⁷Fisher, "Commercial Conditions in Mexico," 147.

²⁸Fisher, "Commercial Conditions in Mexico," 147; Macleod, "Aspects of the internal economy, 342-345; Parkes, History of Mexico, 100-101; Marc Simmons, Spanish Government in New Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1968), 90-111.

²⁹Baxter, Las Carneradas, 44-60.

³⁰SANM2, 1844.

³¹Bloom, "New Mexico Under Mexican Administration," 47-49; David J. Weber, The Mexican Frontier, 1821-1846: The American Southwest Under Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982), 16-17; Simmons, New Mexico, 105-106. For a description of the political system as it operated in New Mexico between 1821 and 1846, see Ralph Emerson Twitchell, Leading Facts of New Mexican History, 2 vols, (Albuquerque: Horn & Wallace, 1963), vol II, 9-16.

³²New Mexico was one of the Provincias Internas until 1824. In that year it was joined to the provinces of Chihuahua and Durango to form the Estado Interno del Norte. The people of Durango protested vehemently, so finally Chihuahua and Durango were made into states while New Mexico came to be a territory of the Mexican republic. With the constitution of 1836 the territory was changed into a department, Twitchell, Leading Facts, vol. II, 7-8; Weber, Mexican Frontier, 25.

³³Pino was also selected as New Mexico's representative in 1820, but was unable to make the trip to Spain due to lack of financial resources, SANM2, 2937, 2940, 2993; Weber, Mexican Frontier, 18-19; Simmons, New Mexico, 105-106; Pino, Exposición, 224-225.

³⁴Pino listed bayetones (large woolen ponchos), sargas (serge), frazadas (blankets), sarapes, bayetas (baize), sayales (coarse woolen cloth), gergas (sp. jerga—another type of coarse woolen cloth), medias de algodón (cotton stockings), and mantelería (table linen), Exposición, 219.

³⁵Pino, Exposición, 227.

³⁶Pino, Exposición, 223-224; Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road, 64.

³⁷Pino also noted the lack of doctors, surgeons, and even that of a pharmacy, Exposición, 228-229.