1. For specifics, see Canby, "Report of Indian depredations."

2. McWhorter, Hear Me, 295; McWhorter, Yellow Wolf, 78; Lewiston Teller, undated clipping ca. July 1927, clippings file, Idaho State Historical Society, Boise; Josephy, Nez Perce Indians, 543-44; and Francis Haines, "Chief Joseph," 4.

3. The reorganization of the Dayton, Lewiston, Grangeville, and Mount Idaho volunteers into a single "regimental" organization resulted in the following command hierarchy: Colonel Edward McConville, Lieutenant Colonel George Hunter, Major George Shearer, and Adjutant (Captain) Benjamin F. Morris. McConvillle to Governor Mason Brayman, August, 1877, in "Nez Perce War Letters," 65. The reorganization also aggravated a feud between volunteers Eugene T. Wilson and George Hunter, in which the former shot and wounded the latter, necessitating Wilson's arrest and Hunter's recuperation at the hotel hospital at Mount Idaho while the events at Fort Misery transpired. For details, see Wilmot, "Misery Hill"; and Hunter, Reminiscences of an Old Timer, 339-40.

4. McConville to Brayman, August, 1877, in "Nez Perce War Letters," 65-66.

5. Wilmot, "Misery Hill."

6. The volunteers, particularly the Mount Idahoans, lacked faith in Howard's ability to find the Indians and bring them to battle. "They fear that the murdering redskins will get away or run to Howard for a compromise and protection." Boise, Idaho Tri-Weekly Statesman, July 21, 1877.

7. Wilmot wrote that "everything was going fine until . . . John Atkinson while monkeying with a 50 cal. Springfield rifle let it go off accidentally. Never did I hear . . . a rifle make such a report. . . . Our camp was thrown into quite a commotion." Wilmot, "Misery Hill."

8. Ibid.

9. Account of Misery Hill by T. J. Bunker in Kirkwood, "The Nez Perce Indian War," August 4, 1950.

10. Just how "strong" the fire of the Nez Perces was in the middle of the night is questionable, it being doubtful that the warriors would expend much of their ammunition wastefully. Moreover, other accounts of Misery Hill say little about actual shooting during the nighttime encounter. That of T. J. Bunker stated, in fact, that McConville directed him to check out a rifle pit of one of the volunteers after prolonged and frequent shooting from that source. Bunker approached the volunteer. "I said, 'Sam, what are you shooting at?' He replied: 'I don't know. It is so dark I can't see, but I thought it a good idea to keep the ark a-moving.' I suggested that it might be a good plan to save his ammunition for a greater need." Account of Misery Hill in Kirkwood, "The Nez Perce Indian War," August 4, 1950.

11. Bunker stated that "they hailed us, saying: 'We are going to breakfast allee same Hotel de France (a popular hotel in Lewiston). Come over and eat with us.' Not to be outdone . . . , we returned the invitation, when they replied, 'You ain't got anything to eat, you ,' swearing at us in English. . . . Somehow they had stumbled onto the truth, for we did not have much." Bunker also described the warriors' threatening movement: "Just after sunrise, they appeared strung out on the crest of the [opposite] hill, sending out horsemen right and left, maneuvering in true Indian style, waving red blankets, and, as we supposed, trying to draw our fire. . . . After favoring us with a display of their force with no apparent object, they silently withdrew without firing a gun." Ibid.

12. This message is contained in U.S. House, Nez Perce and Bannock Wars, 4.

13. Boise, Idaho Tri-Weekly Statesman, July 21, 1877.

14. Apparently Wilmot here engaged in a lively altercation with Captain Perry and other officers over the Cottonwood affair that resulted in Howard's threatening him with arrest before he left the army camp. Wilmot, "Misery Hill." See also McCarthy, Diary, July 10, 1877; and Wood, "Journal," July 11, 1877.

15. McConville to Brayman, August 1877, in "Nez Perce War Letters," 66-68. For additional coverage of Misery Hill, see Howard, "Report," 604; Eugene Wilson, "Nez Perce Campaign"; Adkison, Nez Perce Indian War, 33-35, which presents a variant account (probably revised by Adkison) of Luther P. Wilmot. One volunteer allowed that, at Mount Idaho at least, "our bloodless expedition proved a full-fledged, fizzling joke." Frank Allen in McWhorter, Hear Me, 297 n. 6.

16. McWhorter, Yellow Wolf, 79-80, 83-84; McWhorter, Hear Me, 295-97. The site of Misery Hill is approximately six miles south of Kamiah and can be reached by traveling via Highway 162 generally south and west to the Fort Misery Road. The privately owned site encompasses about forty acres and is unmarked. Some of McConville's rock defenses remain atop the hill. Lillian Pethtel, communication with author, Kamiah, Idaho, February 17, 1995. See Thain White, "Relics from Fort Misery." This paper describes approximately ten rock "barricades" on the north, south, and east sides of the top of Misery Hill, besides the discovery there of expended cartridge cases and other items (12-13).

17. Howard, "Report," 604; Howard, "Nez Perces Campaign of 1877," September 19, 1878. The Looking Glass village site was also near a ford of the Middle Clearwater, and Howard may have believed that Joseph and the Nez Perces would attempt a crossing there. Boise, Idaho Weekly Statesman, July 14, 1877. Sergeant McCarthy noted that "We had crossed the Clearwater so as to head them off." McCarthy, "Journal," 21.

18. Wall's place had been virtually destroyed. The following August he filed a claim for $3,445 to cover the loss of four houses burned and furniture, agricultural implements, clothing, chickens, and "12 large hogs" destroyed. But the claim also included twenty-five fruit trees, two acres of cabbage, two acres of potatoes and onions, fifteen acres of wheat, and ten acres of timothy destroyed by Howard's soldiers on July 9, 10, 1877. Canby, "Report of Indian depredations."

19. C. E. S. Wood, "Journal," July 9, 10, 1877; Howard, "Nez Perces Campaign of 1877," September 26, 1878; and McCarthy, Diary, July 10, 1877.

20. Besides Silverwood and Chapman, other scouts known to be with the command were Daniel Gallagher, George Bingham, John Bingham, and Benjamin Penny (who had earlier been with McConville's command). Boise, Idaho Tri-Weekly Statesman, July 19, 1877.

21. The infantry and artillery soldiers were uniformed and outfitted similarly to the cavalrymen (see chapter two). The dismounted men wore shoes and carried slung canteens and haversacks or valises. The infantrymen wore bayonets (possibly trowel-shaped for digging entrenchments) for use with the Springfield rifles they carried. The foot soldiers carried no pistols. Each man's overcoat, blanket, and rubber blanket were rolled lengthwise and worn looped across his shoulder. For specifics, see McChristian, U.S. Army in the West, passim.

22. The order of march is from Trimble, "Battle of the Clearwater," 140-41; and Captain Marcus P. Miller to Assistant Adjutant General, Department of the Columbia, July 18, 1877, in Leary, Appointment, Commission, and Personal File. Miller's subsequent references to his battalion of the Fourth Artillery in the Clearwater action invariably omitted Captain Charles B. Throckmorton's Company M. That Company M was present there was no doubt; perhaps the unit did not occupy a front line position in the fighting but was used to guard the pack train.

23. Boise, Idaho Tri-Weekly Statesman, July 19, 1877.

24. Lieutenant Wood noted in his journal that Howard ordered "forward two Gatling guns & supports them by all the troops except Capt. Trimble's Co. of Cavalry." Wood made no mention of a howitzer at this location. C. E. S. Wood, "Journal," July 11, 1877. The 12-pounder mountain howitzer was "a small, light, bronze piece about 3 feet long, weighing 220 pounds, capable of being easily removed from its carriage, and transported upon the back of a mule. The shell weighs, when strapped and charged, 9.35 pounds, and the maximum range of the piece is about 1000 yards." Wilhelm, Military Dictionary and Gazetteer, 229-30.

25. The movement of the guns came on the advice of Ad Chapman, who told Howard that "'the ravine the Indians are ascending can be reached from there [pointing to the bluff beyond Stites Canyon]. It is a mile back by the way to go.' Gen'l Howard orders the Howitzer to go with all speed thither, and supports it by Winters['] Co. with gatling [sic] guns." C. E. S. Wood, "Journal," July 11, 1877.

26. Miller to Assistant Adjutant General, Department of the Columbia, July 18, 1877, in Leary, Appointment, Commission, and Personal File.

27. C. E. S. Wood, "Chief Joseph, the Nez Perce," 137.

28. Sergeant McCarthy remembered details of the initial deployment of his company: "When the rear of the column became engaged we [Company H] were halted on the Bluff overlooking the Clearwater, about a mile or so below the camp. With my glass we could see the Indians moving up the river or riding around their herds. We heard the firing back towards our rear but supposed it was only the howitzers shelling the retreating Indians. The column had strung out as usual with big gaps here and there, and only the sound of the big guns reached us. Our captain [Trimble], after a leisurely survey of the scene on the river below, took it into his head that a little drill would be a useful way to kill time, so we practised dismounting to fight on foot, mounting, etc. I became nervous and called the attention of the Captain to the firing, now growing heavier way back in [the] rear. The hills were rolling and concealed movements of [the] rest of [the] command. We mounted and awaited orders. A courier made signals to come back, and moving back we found Capt. Rodney's company and the packtrain in a sort of uncertain state." McCarthy, "Journal," 21.

29. Harry Bailey, "An Infantry Second Lieutenant," 14.

30. Accounts of Yellow Wolf in McWhorter, Yellow Wolf, 85-88; Ollokot's wife (Springtime) and Peopeo Tholekt in McWhorter, Hear Me, 298-99, 302-3. Ollokot's presence is indicated in ibid., 318. There is no mention of Looking Glass's involvement in the battle, although Joseph evidently took part. Ibid., 319-20.

31. Years later a Nez Perce named Johnson Boyd identified himself as one of those who attacked the pack train. Lewiston Tribune, undated ca. 1957 news item, clippings file, Idaho State Historical Society, Boise. See also McWhorter, Yellow Wolf, 94. One of the packers killed was Louis Pecha, who resided on Salmon River and who had been employed by the army since June. Canby, "Report of Indian depredations."

32. The Nez Perce Roaring Eagle recalled that "we pushed those soldiers back on the pack-saddle fort . . . but we could not stand before the soldiers' big guns. We were forced back from that part of the field." McWhorter, Hear Me, 303-4.

33. Second Lieutenant Edward S. Farrow wrote that the guns were moved "to a second bluff in that direction, beyond a deep and rocky transverse ravine [the identical ravine as cited by Howard, above], almost at right angles to the cañon." Farrow, "Assembling of the Soldiers," 156. Likewise, First Lieutenant Albert G. Forse recalled that "the howitzers [sic] were brought into requisition and shelling began, but at each explosion the Indians would shout in derision. Captain Winters was finally sent with his troop, supported by a company of infantry, to a projecting bluff higher up the river from which it was thought the howitzers would be effective." Forse, "Chief Joseph as a Commander," 3. This second position for the artillery pieces, on the bluff immediately south of the present Stites Canyon, was recommended by Chapman, who told Howard that "the ravine the Indians are ascending can be reached from there." Account in Portland Daily Oregonian, July 27, 1877. See also Correspondent Thomas A. Sutherland's account in Portland Daily Standard, July 23, 1877, and his account in Sutherland, Howard's Campaign, 12.

34. Report of Captain Stephen P. Jocelyn, September 2, 1877, quoted in Jocelyn, Mostly Alkali, 237.

35. McCarthy, "Journal," 24.

36. Ibid.

37. For Miles's record, see Heitman, Historical Register and Dictionary, 1:708. Lieutenant Harry L. Bailey stated that Miles "was so nervous in this campaign that he was very wearing on all under him." Bailey to L. V. McWhorter, March 6, 1931, folder 182, McWhorter Papers.

38. Williams was first shot in the thigh. As he attempted to stem the bleeding by applying a tourniquet, he received the second wound. Jocelyn, Mostly Alkali, 235. Bancroft described his experience thus: "I was shot about 3 o'clock in the afternoon; lay on the field all that day and night and part of the next day. . . . Two of my best men, Sergeant [James A.] Workman and Corporal [Charles] Marguarandt [Marquardt], were killed by my side. While I was being carried to the rear by one of my men, . . . he had one ear shot clean away, and I did not know it till after he had laid me down." Portland Daily Standard, September 6, 1877.

39. Miller to Assistant Adjutant General, Department of the Columbia, July 18, 1877, in Leary, Appointment, Commission, and Personal File.

40. Boise, Idaho Tri-Weekly Statesman, July 19, 1877.

41. In 1890, the Army awarded LeMay a Certificate of Merit for his performance. U.S. Army Gallantry and Meritorious Conduct, 76.

42. Miller to Assistant Adjutant General, Department of the Columbia, July 18, 1877, in Leary, Appointment, Commission, and Personal File.

43. New York Herald, September 10, 1877.

44. Yellow Bull account in Curtis, North American Indian, 8:165-66. It is uncertain exactly when this incident occurred.

45. Miller to Assistant Adjutant General, Department of the Columbia, July 18, 1877, in Leary, Appointment, Commission, and Personal File. An 1858 West Point graduate, Miller had spent his entire career in the Fourth Artillery. In the Civil War, he fought at Richmond, Antietam, Fredericksburg, and Chancellorsville, later served with Major General Philip H. Sheridan in the Shenandoah Valley, and fought with General Ulysses S. Grant at Petersburg during the closing operations. Miller's most notable prior western service had occurred during the Modoc Indian campaign, when he led a battalion of artillery and infantry in rescuing the survivors of the peace commission after the murder of Major General Edward R. S. Canby. Miller, Appointment, Commission, and Personal File; Powell, Powell's Records, 402; Cullum, Biographical Register, 2:702-3; Heitman, Historical Register and Dictionary, 1:711.

46. New York Herald, September 10, 1877.

47. Harry Bailey, "An Infantry Second Lieutenant," 14; Bailey to McWhorter, March 5, 1933, folder 182, McWhorter Papers. One of the casualties of this action was Private Francis Winters of Company B, Twenty-first Infantry. Wrote Lieutenant Bailey: "He was wounded severely in the hip. . . . He was near me and had his hat shot off three times, and his cartridge belt cut entirely off by a bullet, the leather being cut as by a knife, as I saw it at the moment it occurred. . . . He kept saying that some of our own men had shot him." Bailey to his father, September 14, 1877, quoted in Jocelyn, Mostly Alkali, 232 n. 8. See also the letter from Bailey describing this incident in Farrow, "Assembling of the Soldiers," 162-63. At the left of Miller's advanced position stood a large, lone pine tree, behind which at least one Nez Perce sharpshooter was posted. John P. Schorr to McWhorter, ca. January 1934, folder 179, McWhorter Papers. Evidently, this man was shot and fell back near the stone barricades. Bailey mentioned later seeing a dead warrior there with a shell hole in his head possibly inflicted by the howitzer, and Peopeo Tholekt identified the man as Lelooskin (Whittling). Bailey to McWhorter, March 6, 1931, folder 182, McWhorter Papers; McWhorter, Hear Me, 312. After this happened, some of Miller's men took up position at the tree. A reporter noted: "There were two boys behind a big pine tree, and I made the third. The Indians would rise out of the grass, take a rapid look, drop down and then fire as fast as they could. The bark of our tree was cut to pieces. The Indians were not more than twenty yards from us. One of the boys, quite a lad, just gloried in the fun. He put his hat on his rifle and held it out. As we expected, our Indians rose up and fired." Boise, Idaho Tri-Weekly Statesman, July 19, 1877. It is apparently this tree that is pictured in Lieutenant Fletcher's sketch, "Battle of Clearwater," inset drawing in Fletcher, "Department of Columbia Map."

48. Harry Bailey, "An Infantry Second Lieutenant," 15.

49. Howard, "Report," 605.

50. McWhorter, Yellow Wolf, 88.

51. Ibid., 89-91; McWhorter, Hear Me, 305, 312-13.

52. McWhorter, Hear Me, 309-10.

53. Trimble, "Battle of the Clearwater," 143.

54. On this tendency of the Indians, see the report of Captain George H. Burton in "Summary of Reports . . . Non-Effectiveness."

55. McCarthy, Diary, July 11, 1877. See also McCarthy, "Journal," 22.

56. Comment by Captain Whipple in "Proceedings [of] Court of Inquiry."

57. McCarthy, Diary, July 11, 1877.

58. Trimble, "Battle of the Clearwater," 144-45.

59. Howard's report states that "during the night stone barricades and rifle-pits were constructed by ourselves and the enemy." Howard, "Report," 605.

60. Harry Bailey, "An Infantry Second Lieutenant," 16.

61. Boise, Idaho Tri-Weekly Statesman, July 19, 1877.

62. McCarthy wrote that "some of the Infantry armed with trowel bayonets finding themselves where there was [sic] no stones dug little rifle pits. Where there was most danger the breastworks were larger and contained sometimes 2, 3, and I believe even 4 men. On our side of the semicircle, the least exposed [side], the men occupied each alternate breastwork during the night." McCarthy, Diary, July 11, 1877.

63. This reference to warriors firing from treetops appears in several accounts. The Nez Perce Many Wounds told McWhorter that his informants always denied that sharpshooters fired from the tops, but allowed that "soldiers might have thought shots came from among the branches of the trees." Grizzly Bear Blanket "was on a point or knoll back of [a] tree from where he could see whole group of soldiers. To them it must have looked like he was up the tree." McWhorter, Hear Me, 306.

64. First Lieutenant Melville C. Wilkinson letter, July 17, 1877, in Army and Navy Journal, August 18, 1877.

65. McWhorter, Yellow Wolf, 92; McWhorter, Hear Me, 312-13; Pouliot and White, "Clearwater Battlefield," 6.

66. First Lieutenant Melville C. Wilkinson letter, July 17, 1877, in Army and Navy Journal, August 18, 1877.

67. Lieutenant Bailey was appointed to prepare the line troops to attack in support of Miller's charge. He recalled that none of the other officers wanted to help arrange the soldiers, and that he and First Lieutenant Charles F. Humphrey had to do it alone. "When approaching the trench of Capt. [First Lieutenant] [James A.] Haugh[e]y and [Second] Lieut. [Francis E.] Eltonhead, they yelled at me to 'lie down,' as I was drawing fire. . . . They had stuck to their trench all thru, and certainly looked very sweaty and dirty." Harry Bailey, "An Infantry Second Lieutenant," 18. Bailey had trouble with the enlisted men, too. "I had . . . difficulty in making the men KEEP the skirmish line after I had arranged them, for they would run back and jump into the holes." Bailey to McWhorter, January 12, 1931, folder 182, McWhorter Papers.

68. Lewiston Teller, July 21, 1877.

69. Miller to Assistant Adjutant General, Department of the Columbia, July 18, 1877, in Leary, Appointment, Commission, and Personal File.

70. Howard, "Report," 605.

71. Farrow to James T. Gray, July 16, 1877, Gray, Correspondence.

72. McCarthy, Diary, July 12, 1877.

73. Ibid. See also McCarthy, "Journal," 24-25.

74. McWhorter, Yellow Wolf, 96 n. 2; and McWhorter, Hear Me, 314-15. One of the men, Teeweeyownah (Over the Point), went to the smoking lodge and found many warriors, who had been riding back and forth from the village, "sitting around smoking." He scolded them repeatedly for their dereliction, then untied and released their horses. This angered the warriors. Over the Point then returned to the ravine and notified the others about what was happening, and the leaders decided that without the warriors' support it would be better to protect the camp.They left and were followed by those from the smoking lodge. McWhorter, Hear Me, 315-16 n. 35. Haines stated that the disagreement actually began during the fighting on July 11 and carried over to the twelfth. Francis Haines, Nez Perces, 237; Francis Haines, "Chief Joseph," 5.

75. McWhorter, Yellow Wolf, 100-101.

76. Ibid., 96-98, 100-101.

77. Quoted in McWhorter, Hear Me, 314-15.

78. Quoted in ibid., 317.

79. McWhorter, Yellow Wolf, 97; and McWhorter, Hear Me, 320. Another Nez Perce account stated that Looking Glass was responsible for directing the camp to move. MacDonald, "Nez Perces," 244.

80. Parnell, "Salmon River Expedition," 132. Captain Perry once more came under criticism for not pressing the pursuit of the fleeing Nez Perces beyond the river, the argument being that this was the first and most logical opportunity since the battle started to make efficient use of the cavalry. Together with his actions at White Bird and Cottonwood, it became a lively topic of conversation in the command, as well as an element for investigation in Perry's subsequent court of inquiry. The court exonerated him from blame at Clearwater, specifying that Perry "appears to have done all required of him, and all that, under the circumstances, could have been reasonably expected of him,the Commanding General being present." "Proceedings [of] Court of Inquiry."

81. Wilkinson to McConville, July 12, 1877, entry 897, box 1, part 3, 1877, U.S. Army Continental Commands.

82. C. E. S. Wood, "Journal," July 11, 1877.

83. The caches were hollows in the ground so well covered with sod that their presence was nearly imperceptible and would likely not have been discovered but for the citizen guides who were familiar with the practice. Harry Bailey, "An Infantry Second Lieutenant," 18. In another description, Bailey wrote that the caches "were holes in the ground or rocks about three or four feet wide and about six feet deep, and cunningly covered with earth and ashes and trampled over with horses. The manner of finding them was by punching ramrods or stakes into the ground until the feel of buffalo hides a few feet below the surface gave the evidence." Quoted in Mrs. Harry B. Longworth to McWhorter, January 12, 1943, folder 182, McWhorter Papers.

84. On the other hand, a message from Howard noted that there were "arms captured in the battle of the 11th & 12th," along with "several hundred rounds of metallic ammunition . . . found in the hostile camp." This and other factors led army officers to conclude that the Nez Perces armed themselves with Henrys, Winchesters, Springfield carbines and rifles, "and apparently some long range target riflesname unknown." Howard to Assistant Adjutant General, Division of the Pacific, July 28, 1877, entry 897, box 1, part 3, 1877, U.S. Army Continental Commands.

85. Lieutenant Bailey retrieved several items from the South Fork village. In 1927 he donated a fringed buckskin shirt, a powder horn, a beaded sheath, and six bronze bells to the Allen County Historical and Archeological Society at Lima, Ohio. Longworth to McWhorter, January 12, 1943, folder 182, McWhorter Papers. Some of these items were returned to the Nez Perces in 1999.

In addition to the materials previously cited, this account of the Clearwater engagement is reconstructed from an amalgam of data drawn from the following materials: McDowell to Adjutant General, telegram (Howard's initial report), July 14, 1877, item 3973, roll 336, Nez Perce War Papers; Surgeon (Major) Charles T. Alexander to Medical Director, Department of the Columbia, July 14, 1877, entry 624, box 1, Office of the Adjutant General; C. E. S. Wood, "Notes on Nez Perces Expedition," July 11, 12, 1877; pen and ink sketch titled, "Battle of Clearwater," inset drawing in Fletcher, "Department of Columbia Map"; Brimlow, "Nez Perce War Diary," 30; Albert G. Forse to Howard, April 4, 1895, Forse Papers; Harry L. Bailey to McWhorter, December 9, 1932, folder 182, McWhorter Papers; Bailey to McWhorter (including sketch map), January 29, 1934, item 88, McWhorter Papers; C. E. S. Wood to C. J. Brosnan, January 7, 1918, in The Bookmark, a ca. 1940 publication of the University of Idaho Library, p. 236, Brosnan Collection; Portland Daily Oregonian, July 16, 1877; Boise, Idaho Tri-Weekly Statesman, July 17, 1877; Portland Daily Standard, July 14, 1877; Howard, "Nez Perces Campaign of 1877," September 26, 1878, and October 3, 1878; Howard, My Life and Experiences, 288-89; R. P. Page Wainwright, "The First Regiment of Cavalry," in Rodenbough and Haskin, Army of the United States, 169; Alexander B. Dyer, "The Fourth Regiment of Artillery," in ibid., 373-74; Fred H. E. Ebstein, "Twenty-first Regiment of Infantry," in ibid., 677; Sternberg, George Miller Sternberg, 60-61; Charles Rhodes, "Chief Joseph," 219-20; Francis Haines, Nez Perces, 235-38; and Josephy, Nez Perce Indians, 546-52. Contemporary artistic renditions of events associated with the Clearwater engagement, based upon "sketches by an officer of General Howard's staff," appear in the New York Daily Graphic, August 3, 1877.

Nee-Me-Poo accounts of the Clearwater action are few and, except for those noted above (mostly in McWhorter's books or materials), are generally vague as to specifics and locale. McWhorter's Yellow Wolf and Hear Me contain much more conversationally derived and descriptive anecdotal material; the essence alone is presented here. Nonetheless, for other Nez Perce accounts not previously cited, see "Story of Kawownonilpilp"; Weptas Nut (No Feather), Interview; and Joseph [Heinmot Tooyalakekt], "An Indian's Views," 426. Two possible pictographic renderings of incidents at the Clearwater battle appear in a sketchbook in the Special Collections of the University of Oregon Library, Eugene. See Stern, Schmitt, and Halfmoon, "A Cayuse-Nez Perce Sketchbook," 360-62.

86. "List of Wounded in Gen. Howard's expedition . . . Battle of Clear Water"; Captain Evan Miles to Adjutant General, November 24, 1877, entry 624, box 1 (two sheets), Office of the Adjutant General; "Report of the Killed, Wounded and Missing"; "Classified Return . . . Battle of Clearwater." A complete list of army casualties is in Appendix A. Regarding the missing man, he was Private Charles E. Simonds, Battery G, Fourth Artillery, who was reported missing effective July 12. Yellow Wolf mentioned seeing a dead soldier on the previous day and presumed he had deserted. McWhorter, Yellow Wolf, 85. And about twenty years after the battle, settlers in the area found the remains of a soldier "back of one of the hills near Stites," along with four canteens, some army buttons, and silver coins. Nez Perce Indians Wars 2, 153, Camp Manuscript Field Notes, Camp Papers, LBNM.

87. C. E. S. Wood, "Chief Joseph, the Nez Perce," 137.

88. McCarthy, Diary, July 12, 1877. Captain Jocelyn alluded to a diagram that located the grave "just in rear of the hospital, within the limits of the camp held by the troops during the engagement." Jocelyn, Mostly Alkali, 237. Presumably, but not certainly, the dead were eventually removed to Fort Lapwai, and later to the post cemetery at Fort Walla Walla, where a small granite marker is all that recognizes the thirteen killed at Clearwater. Thompson, "Thirteen U.S. Soldiers," 47, 63.

89. Two men died en route. One was buried along the road and the other at Grangeville. Sternberg to Colonel E. I. Baily, Medical Director, Department of the Columbia, July 15, 1877, entry 624, box 1, Office of the Adjutant General (also published in "Report of the Surgeon-General," in Secretary of War, Report . . . 1878, 428.) See also a variant form of this letter in Sternberg to the Surgeon General, July 15, 1877, in ibid.

90. Sternberg to the Surgeon General, July 22, 1877, entry 624, box 1, Office of the Adjutant General; Sternberg, George Miller Sternberg, 62-63; and Kober, Reminiscences of George Martin Kober, 358, 359. For a contemporary discussion of the matter of moving the wounded by mule litter during the Indian wars, see Otis, Transport of Sick and Wounded.

91. Howard, "Report," 606. Howard reported that "about 300 warriors, aided by their women," (ibid.) faced his command at the Clearwater, a figure thatbased on approximations of the strength of the various bandsis unreasonable. It is more likely that the Nez Perce warriors at the Clearwater numbered fewer than 150about half of Howard's strength.

92. McWhorter, Yellow Wolf, 98-100; McWhorter, Hear Me, 323; and "An Indian's Views," 426. Duncan MacDonald's informants told him that the Nez Perces lost four killed and four wounded, all on the first day of the battle. MacDonald, "Nez Perces," 244. See listing in Appendix B.

93. "Report of the General of the Army," November 7, 1877, in Secretary of War, Report . . . 1877, 10; Sutherland, Howard's Campaign, 13; John Carpenter, Sword and Olive Branch, 251; and Francis Haines, "Chief Joseph," 5.

94. Wood to Hayes, telegram, July 14, 1877, entry 107, box 2, part 3, 1877, U.S. Army Continental Commands; Corbett to McCrary, July 14, 1877, ibid: and Dolph to Hayes, July 14, 1877, ibid. McDowell informed Wood that he "as Division Commander reserves to himself alone the privilege of communicating direct with the President." Lieutenant Colonel John C. Kelton to Wood, July 21, 1877, ibid. The New York World, July 14, 1877, reported that "Howard's inefficiency" had caused the administration to consider replacing him with Crook and that "it is entirely possible Howard may be superseded to-morrow." See also John Carpenter, "General Howard," 134-35.

95. Grostein and Binnard to Howard, July 26, 1877, entry 107, box 2, part 3, 1877, U.S. Army Continental Commands.

96. General Field Orders No. 2, Headquarters, Department of the Columbia (In the Field), July 16, 1877, entry 897, box 1, part 3, 1877, U.S. Army Continental Commands.

97. Beyer and Keydel, Deeds of Valor, 2:244; The Medal of Honor, 230; U.S. Army Gallantry and Meritorious Conduct, 75-77, 87.