Canyon de Chelly Administrative History

With the prospects of ever-increasing visitation, official tribal interest in the concession continued to grow. A meeting was held at Window Rock on February 12 and was attended by Bureau and tribal officials; Bright; Davis of Southwestern Monuments; Koehler, representing the region; and Cozy, to discuss "the future status of the McSparron concession contract in relation to the ownership of the land and buildings. . . ." [81] No new decisions seem to have resulted from this effort and in June it was reported that the tribe would erect its own motel and restaurant near the monument. [82] That the report was at the very least premature could not have been known, and both Cozy and the Service were doubtlessly concerned.

Aubuchon began the year of 1954 at Canyon de Chelly experiencing low visitation, a trend that lasted through March and gave him a good opportunity to become acquainted with his new area. [83] Much of the time seems to have been spent in routine work preparing for the tourist season, which began suddenly in April. Visitation jumped from 104 in March to 1,125 the following month. [84] Work on the self-guiding booklet for the White House Trail progressed slowly and guided tours were continued to the ruin until late in July when the booklet was available and put into use, although it was not fully completed until early August. [85] The trail was considered a success and in November work was begun on another booklet to be used with the Thunderbird tours. [86]

A new sewer line was completed in May, [87] and in June a stile was erected over the stone jetty in front of White House to give visitors better access to the ruin. [88] July brought the delivery of a new trailer house. [89] By late summer, storms and vandalism had damaged both White House Trail and the interpretive markers along it, requiring considerable repair work. [90] Increased road maintenance by the Bureau helped keep roads in better condition. [91]

Much that happened involved the Navajos. The major event was the sale of Thunderbird Ranch. Cozy's continuing efforts to dispose of his business finally bore fruit, but he became seriously ill just at the time the sale was being consummated. [92] His prospective purchasers were John Nelson, A. B. Nelson, and Ida Mae Borum. Transfer of the lease required tribal approval, and, because of the complications involved in the three-way administration of the area, the tribal attorney, Norman M. Littell, felt that it should be acted upon by the full council. He had a resolution prepared for that purpose and presented it to the council on February 11. Howard Gorman, the councilman from Ganado was curious as to the identity of the purchasers, who were not present at the council session. Dick Clark, trading supervisor, identified A. B. Nelson as vice-president of Babbitt Brothers of Flagstaff and John Nelson as his father and also a Babbitt employee. Mrs. Borum was former owner of the Leupp Trading Post. Clark thought that the Babbitts would have no direct interest in the Thunderbird, but thought that the business would do most of its wholesale trade with them. At that point a short recess was taken, and when the council reconvened Littell apologized for not knowing of the Babbit involvement. It was decided to redraft the resolution and action was postponed until the following day. [93]

The new resolution merely provided that

The officers of the Tribe be and they hereby are authorized and empowered to approve on behalf of the Tribe a lease submitted by the National Park Service, to L. H. McSparron or to any purchasers approved by the Advisory committee, the said lease to be subject to such changes, alterations, terms and conditions as the Advisory Committee in its discretion deems advisable and in the best interests of the Navajo Tribe.

The resolution was duly moved, seconded, and passed without opposing votes. In the discussion preceding the vote, however, Annie D. Wauneka stated at some length her views regarding the monument, which are worth quoting because they seem to reflect fairly well the feeling on the tribal level at this time:

Over a period of time we have heard complaints against the operators of the Monument around Canyon De Chelly. There are many Navajo lands involved. These Navajos have been using lands on the floor of the canyon, on the mesas above the canyon for a long time. We have heard these complaints and while we have not made an immediate study or surveys, but we have heard complaints that these Monument authorities have taken it upon themselves to tell how these Navajos should live in the Canyon or on top of the mesas of the Canyon. I do not know how many of you have heard it, but I am sure that you all have been aware of the situation and over a period of time you can go over there and see and investigate and see how the Monument authorities are operating and how to reconcile the Navajo livelihood in that area. In the withdrawal of these Monument lands there were certain provisions made which we have never heard of or know very little about. It is possible that we can revise the provisions of that withdrawal order so that we can satisfy the Navajos who are living in that area. In the first place, we have to have the interest of the Navajo in the acquisition of lands on how much rental we can receive from any concession in that area. We have to look after the livelihood of the Navajo first.

George Hubbard, a councilman from the area, challenged her statements, claiming that he had not heard any complaint from the people. A thorough discussion of the matter did not ensue, however. [94]

Somehow the council's objections to the Nelsons were overcome and the following month the advisory committee voted approval of the sale to all three prospective purchasers. [95] On April 20 Cozy McSparron left Chinle after 41 years, the manager for the new owners, Miles Hedrick, having arrived the day before. [96] Absentee landlords at the guest ranch caused some inconvenience in administration. In November Luis A. Gastellum of the Southwestern Monuments office had to visit Winslow in order to discuss business matters with A. B. Nelson. [97]

As suggested by Hubbard's speech to the tribal council, local Navajo interests were not entirely coincident with those of the tribe, but relations within the area seem to have continued smoothly in most respects throughout the year. Aubuchon reported the construction of a fence to keep sheep out of White House Ruin in January. [98] The next month CBS was taking photographs in the canyons for a television show, Navajos being included and no problems reported. [99] A survey was made of use of electricity in order to determine whether the monument and the Thunderbird should obtain their power from the Bureau. [100] Planning for a new campground entailed getting local permission for use of the land. Aubuchon had canvassed all but one of the local leaders when a visiting Bureau official suggested going over their heads and getting authorization from the advisory committee if he should encounter opposition, a suggestion that Aubuchon did not reject. He was able, however, to contact the remaining man, Joe Carrol, and found him receptive to the idea, especially when told that the old tables would be moved to "the pump house site for Navajo use." [101]

Of interest in regard to Navajo affairs is Aubuchon's report on a visit to Massacre Cave in search of bones for study by physical anthropologists. Perhaps fortunately for his continued good rapport with the Navajos he failed to find any suitable for this purpose. An enigmatic mention is made of shellacked bones supposedly returned to the cave previously and his failure to find them on this visit. [102]

The planting program with the Bureau of Indian Affairs resumed for 2 weeks in November with removal of more cuttings from White House and Antelope House, where the abundant growth threatened to invade the ruins. Navajo interest was so high that they did all the labor free. [103] By the end of the year Aubuchon felt so close to his Navajo neighbors that he was gathering material on their legends and trying to authenticate the Spider Rock story. [104] This was probably an outgrowth of his continuing work to expand the self-guiding interpretive program by the use of easel displays at Junction and Spider Rock overlooks and on the White House Trail [105] and to develop a booklet for use on the Thunderbird tours. [106]

The normal low visitation of the winter season was even less than usual due to severe weather. [107] Two visitors were stuck on the Sawmill Road and had to hike 18 miles through snow over 2 feet deep to reach headquarters. A white man employed by the trader at Nazlini and several Navajos were frozen during the cold weather. [108] Work at the monument consisted largely of what could be accomplished indoors. Work on the guidebook for the canyon progressed considerably and a rough draft was submitted in March. [109] It is interesting to note that monument personnel finally learned that Canyon del Muerto had been named by Stevenson rather than after the Massacre Cave incident. This was 3 years after Park Service archaeologist Albert H Schroeder had uncovered the fact in an old Bureau of American Ethnology report. [110] Published in cooperation with the concessioner, the guidebook was edited and sent to the printer in April. [111] The initial edition of 500 copies was successfully utilized and the supply exhausted before the end of the season. [112] In spite of the increased use of self-guided trails and wayside exhibits, guided tours were still given, but at a rate of only once a week on the average. [113]

The yearly increase in visitation had put a strain on the facilities of most Park Service areas. By 1955 funding was beginning to catch up with needs and Mission 66 was inaugurated to stimulate this trend. [114] The first major project for Canyon de Chelly was the new campground. Work began as early as February with the removal of trees and fencing. [115] In March the roads were staked and materials hauled. Equipment rented from the Bureau helped cut costs and Eugene Mott, supervisor of construction and maintenance, was sent to oversee the work. [116] Although the area was not complete, visitor use of the campground seems to have begun in June. [117] Ants in the new area were so bothersome, however, that three parties of tourists were forced to abandon their campsites after nightfall. [118] Dr. Massey of the Forest Insect and Disease Laboratory in Albuquerque came to look over the situation and recommended spraying with chlordane, which proved to be an effective solution. [119] The completion of the campground on September 3 put the monument in good shape for future years. It was already being used and Aubuchon enthusiastically reported that on one night he had counted five trailers there. [120]

August brought heavy rains and floods in the canyons. Several hogans and an orchard were destroyed by the high runoff, and many of the oak jetties built in the canyons were also washed out. On August 10 Seasonal Ranger Delmar A. Dyerson got the Park Service jeep stuck in quicksand in the main canyon. The Thunderbird's canyon car came to the rescue and both were hit by a wall of water before the jeep could be pulled out. It was necessary to leave the vehicles overnight, and they were found half-buried the next day. The jeep was considered a total loss by the Government, but the concessioners decided to dismantle their vehicle completely and attempt to clean it. [121]

Relations with the Navajos were variable, but they were quite good with the Bureau of Indian Affairs. Early in the year Aubuchon recommended no changes in the boundaries, believing that any road matters could be easily worked out with the Bureau. [122] In June a three-way, 20-year contract between the new concessioners, the Park Service, and the Navajo tribe was signed. [123] Details of the negotiations leading to this contract have not been uncovered.

David Gorman was still on the staff at de Chelly and he and Aubuchon joined a new volunteer fire department organized in Chinle in June, attending monthly fire drills. [124] Probably this organization was primarily the work of white residents of Chinle and Navajo participation was limited to a few of the more educated tribal members in the area, many of whom were likely not members of the local chapter.

Vandalism had become a problem after the installation of interpretive devices away from the headquarters area. While some of the damage may well have been done by white visitors, Aubuchon was inclined to blame most of it on Navajo activities. Whether any of this resulted from local resentment of Park Service operations is difficult to determine. In June it was necessary to replace seven of the stakes marking stations on the self-guiding trail to White House. Aubuchon commented, "If our neighbors use their feet to break the new stakes it is my belief and fondest hope that a toe bone or two will also suffer." [125] The problem did not occur again until October, when six markers were replaced with heavier ones. In the same month the drain plug chains were stolen from the campground comfort stations and only locks prevented the theft of two garbage cans. [126] In December Aubuchon decided that replacement of all the White House Trail markers with larger and stronger ones was needed. He blamed the repeated loss on "young Navajo vandals." [127]

His relations with Navajo adults seemed unmarred by these incidents. In August he received Navajo assistance during a survey of Navajo place-names and trails in the canyons. [128] In the same month Hugh M. Miller, regional director, asked him to assist in Park Service efforts to work out "a plan for the development of the recreation resources of Monument Valley." A proposal had been made in October 1954 to the Advisory Committee of the Navajo Tribal Council, which was reportedly well received. Council action was awaited, but in the meantime the tribe had set up an Office of Land Use and Surveys, and until this action was approved by the Bureau and subsequently funded by the tribe nothing could be done. Richard F. Van Valkenburgh was to be head of the new office and Miller wanted to know whether he was on duty in this capacity yet. Miller felt that he had received his information under confidential circumstances and he hoped that Aubuchon could give him an official report without disturbing the good relations that existed with the tribe. [129] Aubuchon contacted Robert W. Young, assistant to the superintendent at Window Rock, and learned that Van Valkenburgh would probably not be placed in the new position until the end of September after approval of the budget. He did confirm the fact that Van Valkenburgh would be the man to deal with regarding developments at Monument Valley. [130]

In November Luis A. Gastellum, assistant general superintendent of Southwestern Monuments, Thomas R. Jones, architect, and Aubuchon met in Gallup with various Bureau officials including C. Warren Spaulding, general superintendent of the Navajo Agency, to discuss the details of obtaining electric power and water from the Bureau at Chinle. [131] The Park Service representatives explained their needs: current consumption of water reached a peak of 166,000 gallons in the summer months, and increased use was expected as visitation grew; electricity was used at a rate of fifteen kilowatts, with a similar increase anticipated. The Bureau thought that they could meet this demand. The Park Service was to pay for these services at cost or at rates comparable to those in some nearby community, but they wanted to compare this proposed agreement with a similar one already in effect between the Bureau and the Atomic Energy Commission. [132] The Bureau also reserved the right to discontinue service at any time should the Bureau's facilities require extra power, but Spaulding thought this event unlikely, especially if the Park Service would help fund the development of additional generating capacities. [133] Aubuchon judged the meeting successful, but felt that final agreement and actual delivery of utility services were still a few years in the future. [134]

The year ended with the monument under Navajo management for the first time when Aubuchon took a vacation and left David Gorman in charge. [135] Gorman took care of the visitors by himself during this period, and because the tourists had little knowledge of and great curiosity about the Navajo way of life, he was so successful that he was inspired to recommend expansion of this aspect of the interpretive program by constructing a hogan to show "just how they live." He aroused the interest of other Navajos, who offered to assist in its construction. [136]

Aubuchon was receptive to the idea and planned to submit a construction proposal, but nothing more seems to have been done. [137]

Work on improvements in the interpretive program continued, however, and several changes in display arrangements were made at the visitor contact station at monument headquarters. [138] The most significant innovation was the development of a program of slide talks for evening programs. Albert G. Henson, who replaced Aubuchon as superintendent in May, and his seasonal ranger, Norman Thomas, began to collect slides for this use in June and July. [139] Two such programs were presented in August and seem to have been well received. Apparently they had to use their own equipment for the presentations, because the projector and screen ordered from Globe were late in arriving. [140] Three more of the evening talks were given in September and a few each month into the fall, reflecting the limited time the two men could devote to this activity. [141] One of the slides, combining the Park Service emblem with a statement of the purpose of the Service, brought Henson a $20 incentive award. [142] Personally conducted tours were still being given, but again their number depended on the amount of time that could be programmed away from other activities. [143]

Expansion of the self-guiding concept helped compensate for the required absence of personnel. A dispenser for the White House Trail booklet was erected at the head of the trail along with an easel display, [144] and toward the end of the year stands were built for three new wayside exhibits. [145]

Visitation again reached record highs and the new campground was sometimes filled to capacity. Patrolling of the rim and the canyons was possible only on the days when both Henson and Thomas were on duty. [146]

Negotiations with the Bureau for water and power dragged on throughout the year. One bottleneck was the lack of sufficient generating capacity at Chinle, and once this had been solved a slowdown occurred during the administrative processes. [147] Final permission and allocation of funds came in December. [148]

Work on a new master plan for the area included a visit to the monument on September 27-30 by General Superintendent Davis, Landscape Architects Jerome C. Miller, Paul Thomas, and Glenn Hendrix, Architect Harold A. March, Archeologist Albert H. Schroeder, and Naturalist Earl Jackson. The party covered the area by air, car, jeep, and on foot, and felt that they had solved their problems as a result. [149]

There was some soil and moisture work in the spring. Again the lush vegetation at White House needed thinning and provided stock for planting elsewhere in the canyons. Surplus poles and supplies were given to local Navajos who wanted to do protective work of their own. [150]

In November Gordon Vivian, with Richert as his assistant, brought Navajo stabilization crews from Chaco Canyon to do work on Antelope House and White House, the projects lasting about 2 weeks. [151] Richert prepared a report on the White House work in December and January. [152]

Tribal relations were again rather variable. Early in the year it was necessary to replace sixteen markers along the White House Trail, and Aubuchon hoped that the new dispenser for the trail booklets would not be molested. [153] Van Valkenburgh had assumed his duties with the tribe and began a program designed to improve enforcement of the Antiquities Act on tribal lands, but his work also included research within the monument area for the tribal land claims case. [154] Monument personnel put up warning signs based on the Antiquities Act, perhaps supplied by the tribe. [155]

Aubuchon's administration ended with an act that was undoubtedly offensive to many Navajos, although he probably had no intimation of its complications because no protests were noted at the time. In March three members of the Sierra Club, Mark Powell, Jerry Gallawas, and Don M. Wilson, arrived to attempt an ascent of Spider Rock. The climb required 3 days, March 27-30, one night being spent on a ledge about halfway up the spire. [156] Aubuchon gave them full Park Service cooperation in this undertaking and issued them a "certificate of accomplishment" attesting to the success of their venture and commending their "splendid cooperation . . . in regard to National Park Service rules and regulations." [157] The long-range effect of this climb on Navajo attitudes would not become apparent for some time.

In May the tribal council passed a resolution making it "unlawful and a trespass" for anyone other than a Navajo to guide visitors for compensation within the reservation without paying for a license and giving 10 percent of the receipts to the tribe. [158] Whether this new regulation was applied to the Thunderbird tour operation is not known from available documentation.

A joint investigation of an accidental death resulting from a fall over the canyon rim was made by the Park Service, the Bureau, the Navajo Tribal Police, and the Public Health Service in August. [159]

An event that did not apply directly to Canyon de Chelly did, nonetheless, reveal a developing current of thought in the tribal council that had to be given consideration in all Park Service areas in Navajo country. Congress was considering legislation to establish roadless areas. There was the possibility that this legislation would permanently establish as roadless those areas on the Navajo Reservation designated by the Secretary of the Interior in 1937, apparently as an aspect of Collier's opposition to road building. The council was well aware of the importance of roads in bringing services to their people and in facilitating economic development, and unanimously opposed any limitations on road building. The third section of the resolution, however, was directed toward the park program and deserves quotation in full:

3. The Navajo Tribal Council approves in principle the establishment and maintenance of National Parks in various areas of the United States where all American citizens, including Navajo(s) may go on vacations to enjoy scenic grandeur untouched by development for economic purposes. However, the Navajo Tribal Council feels that such public parks should be established only on publicly owned land and under conditions that will not deprive the customary users of such land for their livelihood. The Navajo Tribal Council points out that the Navajo Indian Reservation is the private property of the Navajo people upon which they are dependent for their sustenance and that consequently it is not available and should not be taken for national park purposes or similar public recreational purposes. [160]

The burgeoning growth of the tribal government, fueled by oil money, rising educational attainments and expectations, and increasing tribal nationalism, was beginning to make itself felt in ways that more and more frequently did not coincide with Federal policies. Expectations that the Bureau could manipulate tribal support for all of its plans were no longer valid, and the diversity of opinion within the tribe, and at times between tribal and local chapter and district council levels, were more likely to indicate strengths than weaknesses as the Navajos asserted a new spirit of independence.

Henson was to be the last superintendent to escape the necessity of devoting a sizeable portion of his time to Navajo relations. The shortness of his incumbency may well have been a factor in this, for much of the groundwork laid by Guillet had been lost through turnovers in personnel. He had the advantage of a somewhat larger number of Navajo employees than many of his predecessors, but his was still the only permanent position. David Gorman was still the maintenance man, with two laborers, Guy Tso and Francis Tayah, working under him. [161] Visitation continued to grow, reaching a new record again in 1957. [162]

The work load was as much as the small staff could handle and perhaps more. Early in August Henson received a request from Anthony-Worldwide Productions to do some filming for the movie The Big Country in Canyon de Chelly. The proposed work was not to involve a major portion of the production, but the firm wanted the proper permission in time for filming in October. [163] Henson found that he had to settle "certain jurisdictional aspects of the issuance of such a permit" before he could reply. His answer, sent almost a month later, stated his determination of current policy for such matters:

To obtain the permit it will be necessary to submit an application, following the form of the sample enclosed, to Mr. G. Warren Spaulding, General Superintendent, Navajo Agency, Bureau of Indian Affairs, U.S. Department of The Interior, Window Rock, Arizona, and to Mr. Paul Jones, Chairman, Navajo Tribal Council. One application should be made out to the above individuals jointly and provision for their separate approval should be made at the close of the application.

.   .   .    .   .

If a set will be required or if the prehistoric ruins of this Monument will be involved, other than simply photographing them, please include information in detail concerning this phase on an addendum sheet. . . .

.   .   .    .   .

Nothing which would endanger or damage the ruins in any way will be permitted.

All rules and regulations of The National Park Service, . . . will be in force and must be adhered to. [164]

The weather interfered with interpretive activities that summer and on several occasions the evening slide program was rained out. Henson was advised to keep a record of these occurrences in order to justify an assembly room in the future visitor center. [165]

Norman Thomas was back as seasonal ranger. He also found "the pressures of routine and special activities" a hindrance to getting everything done and found it necessary to apologize for late submission of a publicity article to the Gallup Independent for their special ceremonial edition. [166] That the pressures were increasing is further evidenced by the receipt of a visitor complaint against Thomas toward the end of the season—the first such complaint registered against him in 5 years of work as a seasonal ranger. [167]

Cooperation with the Bureau continued to be close. The construction of a power line to the headquarters area from the Bureau's power plant in Chinle was reported in June, with the Park Service being allowed to deduct the cost of quarters furnished the workers from their share of the expenses billed them by the Bureau. [168] The soil and moisture program being carried out by the two agencies was also working satisfactorily. [169]

A major problem raised by the Mission 66 and new master planning proposals was the old issue of boundaries. The new utility area was mapped in the southwest quarter of Section 22, a location outside the boundary description agreed upon by the Bureau and Park Service in 1942. Henson went to the files in hopes of finding a solution to the problem. He found the correspondence that suggested "point of order legislation" to permit the expenditure of Park Service funds on roads outside the monument but could not determine whether the matter had been carried to completion or, if so, just what effect it might have. [170] No evidence that the legislation had been achieved could be found and it was suggested that the Washington office initiate such legislation when the new boundary status report had been received. A field study was also recommended to determine a satisfactory new boundary. [171] Henson, apparently still unsure of the legal requirements of a boundary change or the nature of point of order legislation, included the following in his report that was submitted shortly after receipt of Ratcliff's memorandum:

A master plan study made on the ground in September, 1957, determined that the most logical and suitable location for the headquarters development will require a boundary extension to include the SW1/4 Section 22, T5N, R10W, Navajo Meridian.

The boundary, outside of the above mentioned township, follows the rim of the canyon in all its meanderings. This results in a very long and tortuous boundary which is almost impossible to accurately locate and mark on the ground. It also results in narrow wedges of non-monument land between tributary canyons. These wedges effectively block logical and economical road alignments.

In order to determine a satisfactory boundary which can easily be defined and marked and which will include all land needed for the proper and necessary developments, a field study should be made. [172]

Thus Henson, poorly informed on trends among the Navajos and ignorant of the implications of his recommendations, was setting a course for his successor that would collide with developing tribal policy. Two rapidly growing organizations—the Navajo tribe, seeking self-determination, and the National Park Service, under Mission 66—were gradually but inevitably approaching a confrontation.