A Forgotten Kingdom: The Spanish Frontier in Colorado and New Mexico, 1540-1821 BLM Cultural Resources Series (Colorado: No. 29)

With the arrival of Juan Ygnacio Flores Mogoll&oacuate;n, the Spanish further committed themselves to New Mexico. Flores Mogoll&oacuate;n found that he was faced with many of the same matters that plagued his predecessors: continuing defense, population growth, and a growing government. The situation with the Indians was brought to his attention in 1712 when twenty-one residents of Albuquerque petitioned him for six soldiers to help guard against raiding Apaches. The governor agreed and dispatched six men from the Santa Fe garrison. [1]

Flores Mogoll&oacuate;n also dealt with emigration. On November 1, 1712 he reported that forty-seven persons were absent from the province, thirty-six of them without permission. [2] The system of passes was still in effect and the government tried to keep track of its residents, for every man was needed to defend the area.

Another matter that caught the attention of the governor was that of an illegal trade in horses and guns with the Apache, Utes, Comanches, and other tribes. In December the governor ordered that trade with non-Christian Indians be stopped. His reason was that such trade encouraged further depredations, and New Mexico was in no position to defend itself against massive Indian raids. [3] Hostiles trading with both Pueblo Indians and Spaniards were allowed to come to the fringes of population centers where exchanges occurred. The fact that Indians were able to get so close to settlements caused them to consider raiding these areas. Flores Mogoll&oacuate;n felt that it was better to keep the raiders a good distance from the valleys of New Mexico.

Another major concern of the government was that of army morale, especially lack of pay. Petitions asking for back pay, can be found in every administration; Flores Mogoll&oacuate;n's was no different. In 1713, 1714, and 1715 petitions were submitted to the governor. It was not the fault of local government that New Mexico's soldiers were not paid. The troops belonged to the King's army and merely had the misfortune to be sent to New Mexico. When funds from the central government were not available, the army was simply not paid. Worse, local monies were not sufficient to support troops, and even had the local government raised the money by taxation, the tax base undoubtedly was too slight for a self-sustaining army. Despite the fact that troops did not get paid regularly, they remained loyal and continued the fight against hostile Indians. [4]

The years 1713 and 1714 were plagued with Indian problems. In August, 1713 some of the soldiers in Santa Fe testified that while they were on a mission escorting travelers to El Paso del Norte, they were attacked by Apaches. The governor wanted to know the strength of the raiders. He also asked about the vital route to El Paso which, as of August, appeared to be in danger. He was told that the Apaches were working out of the Sandia Mountains near Albuquerque and appeared to be only a small raiding party. Satisfied, Flores Mogoll&oacuate;n took no further action. [5]

Another situation that affected both the Spanish and the hostiles was the matter of stray animals. In April, 1714 Flores Mogoll&oacuate;n ordered that strays should be recovered in order to prevent Indian raids. The governor noted that loose stock gave the hostiles a reason for raiding. Keeping animals together reduced the danger of raids against the herds. [6]

Another matter that concerned Flores Mogoll&oacuate;n was with Indian marriages. In April 1714 he ordered that married couples in Indian pueblos should live together rather than with their individual parents, as was the custom. He expressed the fear that the old way of Indian life, that is, living with one's parents would cause bad marriages and represented reversion to Indian habits that the Spanish were trying to break. The governor also cited the Church as wanting couples to obey the rules of marriage and "live together according to the order of our holy mother Church." [7]

The early years of the eighteenth century saw a growth of court cases. Naturally, the civil and criminal case load rose as did the population. Numerous cases came before the governor and included crimes such as slander, desertion, murder, assault, rape, wife-beating, and robbery. [8]

Two basic types of cases appeared in New Mexican justice. A civil matter usually dealt with lawsuits for damages. For example, in the suit of Miguel de Dios and Ramon de Medina over the death of Dios' mule while in the care of Medina. When Dios sued for damages, the court found Medina negligent and ordered him to pay Dios the cost of the mule. [9] The value of mules and horses in the province was undisputed, and the death or injury of such animals could prove to be a financial disaster for the owner.

The other type of case was criminal, which included crimes such as murder, assault, rape, and robbery. However, Spanish justice was flexible and when a wrong was done, the person to whom the harm had occured was often compensated by payment. In addition, the criminal was subject to fines, sometimes banishment, jail for a short time, or to being put to work "for the public good." Other sentences were more severe. Murder rated exile to some horrible place like Bernalillo (Sandia), Pecos, or Acoma, while if committed with malice, hanging was standard fare.

Above all, justice in New Mexico had to match the frontier situation in which it operated. For example, the case of Nicolas de Chavez shows that criminals were treated in a manner that punished them, yet left them usable members of society. In the case of Chavez, July 10-20, 1714, the defendant was charged with raping Juana Montaño, the widow of Pedro de Chavez. Nicolas was indicted in November and tried during that month. Testimony shows that he promised to marry the Montaño woman and, after having taken advantage of her, he refused to carry out his agreement The woman charged him with breach of promise and rape. Chavez confessed to his crime and was found guilty of both charges. His penalty was that he had to marry Juana Montaño as agreed, truly a life sentence! [10]

New Mexico cannot be said to have been a crime-ridden province There seems to be the normal indiscretions among its citizens. Adultery, rape, and other mistreatment of women, along with occasional murders was committed. Figuring the population of New Mexico in 1710-14 at around 20,000 including Pueblo Indians and Spanish settlers, the murder rate is one percent. The assault rate is four percent, while the rate for rape during the years 1710-14 is one-fourth of one percent. This figure indicates a low crime rate for the frontier. [11]

Law enforcement was left to the governor, the cabildo, and local alcaldes. Generally, crimes were of a nature that permitted swearing out warrants by the victims. In those cases that were undertaken by the provincial government, the governor could swear a warrant for arrest. In a major crime, such as the murder of a high official, mutiny, or sedition, the viceroy would order the arrest of the offender. The incidence of viceregal intervention was very low. [12]

The judicial system worked downward from local level to the governor. Should a person be charged with a crime, the alcalde mayor took testimony from witnesses, the victim and the person charged. Then there might be a local trial or the case might go to Santa Fe, where the cabildo and governor would sit in judgment. In some instances, local difficulties were settled on the spot and the results were sent to Santa Fe for the governor's approval. The governor had final say in all cases and he could increase or decrease a sentence as he saw fit. Generally, the governor pronounced sentence himself. All records then were sent to Santa Fe, where the governor signed them and sent copies to Mexico City for the files. Most trials of any consequence were transcribed in triplicate to provide copies for local files, the Mexico City archives and the repository at Seville.

Because local officials and the government at Santa Fe kept tight control over its residents, vigilante groups were not needed in the province. The appearance of a "lawless" society never came about in New Mexico. The threat of Indian attacks kept the people of New Mexico armed, thus there was always a danger of violence. Certainly brawls broke out at cantinas and occasionally someone was knifed, but almost never shot. Shooting was rare because the guns themselves were muzzle-loading long-barreled weapons that were unwieldy to use and were good for one shot a minute, with luck. Visions of a showdown at high noon between a black clad villain and the town sheriff were not found in New Mexico. There were limited numbers of "bad guys" and no alcalde would ever consider facing them down; soldiers were sent to make the arrest.

More common than guns was the use of knives and clubs. It was cheaper and easier to use a knife or stick, and usually no one was killed in the fights that took place. Sentences for scuffles were light, and generally the victim was compensated for his injuries. Despite a rough frontier society in New Mexico was more civilized than might be expected. [13]

New Mexico's major problem remained Indians. An uneasy peace had prevailed for nearly twenty years, but in 1715 a new state of unrest occured, caused in part by poor conditions among the natives and in part by the Spanish. In early 1714 Lorenzo Rodriguez, a Spaniard, was tried and found guilty of trying to start a rebellion among the Apache Indians. He was jailed for eight months for his part in the plot, which failed due to lack of Indian support. There is no indication of what happened to any native conspirators. [14] In June of that same year, the governor investigated another attempted rebellion, among the Jemez Indians. He found that the natives resented the presence of Franciscan friars in the pueblos of Pecos and Jemez and also because of unusual weather the crops were poor. The normal discontent of a few natives was transmitted to the entire tribe which decided to revolt and remove the friars. The plot was reported and broken up by the Spanish. Wisely, the Jemez tribe was treated with kindness by the Spanish and there were no prosecutions. [15]

The threat of insurrection among the Pueblos kept the Spanish alert, and in the year 1715 they were particularly wary. Everyone available was needed in case one of the several plots should jell. Because of the desperate need for manpower, few residents were permitted to leave. June of that year saw five persons on trial in Santa Fe for having left the province without permission. They were captured in New Spain and brought back by the military for trial. Bartolome Farduno, Bernardino Fernandez, Carlos Lopes, Ramon Garcia Jurado, and Cristobal de Orellano were found guilty of deserting the province in time of dire need. They were sentenced to jail for indefinite terms. [16]

From the time of Vargas, the army in New Mexico grew. In 1715 a muster roll of the Santa Fe garrison showed one hundred names. [17] However, the number of men in the garrison was variable, since in 1715, 150 men signed a petition asking that Nuestra Señora de los Remedios be made their patroness. [18] There is a difference of fifty men between the June 3 list and the June 4 petition. [19>]

Other settlements needed fewer soldiers. Albuquerque had six men in 1709, while Santa Cruz appears to have none. The Santa Fe garrison was large to provide for a more mobile defense unit for the province. In times of Indian raids the garrison might be reduced to a minimum and a "flying squad" of horsemen would be dispatched to a trouble spot. [20]

The Santa Fe garrison contributed its share of criminal activity in the city. In August, 1715, Juan Lopes and Francisco de Rosas were charged with being drunk and attempting to rape an unidentified woman. Case records are not complete so the verdict is not known. [21]

Other matters involving the soldiery included problems like the situation of soldiers' widows. In November, Antonia Duran, widow of Sergeant Pasqual Trujillo, petitioned the governor for help after the death of her husband. Since the families of deceased soldiers were left to the mercy of the government, the Spanish often had to provide for them until remarriage or removal to New Spain could occur. Certainly a soldier's widow was confronted with the necessity of remarriage since neither widow's benefits nor death benefits for soldiers existed. If a woman did not find a new husband, the chances of her and her children starving were quite good. However, remarriage does not seem to have been prevalent. The records do not show if Señora Duran got help. [22]

The waning days of the Flores Mogoll&oacuate;n administration saw a trial held in Santa Fe involving the deaths of cattle belonging to the Santa Cruz Indians. Santa Cruz residents, Francisco Lujan Romero, Joseph Vasquez y (?), and Santiago Romero, were the accused. They admitted the offense, arguing that it was done in order to prevent starvation of their families and since the natives never took good care of the stock, there was little harm in killing a few cows. The government took a different view. Anything that could upset the Indians was considered highly dangerous. These men had killed cattle belonging to friendly natives. The men were found guilty. [23]

One might suspect, from the testimony, that Spanish residents were justified in their needs. But to insure peace among the natives, the government was willing to consider only the Indians' side of the story and condemn the men. This makes sense, considering the danger of Indian uprisings. Earlier that year Pecos and Jemez were reported near rebellion. The Spanish invariably tried to appease the natives even to the detriment of Spanish citizens.

A final judicial matter that required the attention of Flores Mogoll&oacuate;n was that of will settlement. The estate of Gregorio Ramirez was brought to probate. His widow requested that she be given the power of attorney. A hearing was held and the deceased's children, Angela, Gertruda, Maria, Gregoria, Lupanda, Santiago, Bartolome and Roque Jazinto [large families were common] were put in the custody of their mother, Maria Fresque Ramirez. While a simple settlement is of no real interest, the composition of the family is of great importance. This was a middle-to upper-class Santa Fe family in 1715. The settlement of the estate was sizeable, a house, land, cattle, and belongings being left to the widow. Indications are that this wealth was unusual in Santa Fe and that the estate was of a man of considerable standing in the community. [24]

In November, 1715, Flores Mogoll&oacuate;n was replaced by Felix Martines, who was appointed governor ad interim on October 30, 1715. A former captain of the presidio at Santa Fe, Martines, upon gaining power, imprisoned Flores Mogoll&oacuate;n and kept the former governor embroiled in lawsuits for two years. While Martines was governor, his lack of concern toward the residents of New Mexico and his shabby treatment of Flores Mogoll&oacuate;n did not make him a popular figure in the province.

Martines took over on November 23, 1715 and at once issued orders. [25] His first order prohibited carrying weapons in "cities, towns and villages." The prohibition included knives, clubs, large swords, pistols and carbines. Violations would be punishable by fine and/or jail. [26] It is significant that the governor felt the problem of too many weapons was worth dealing with to prevent violence.

Felix Martines' term differed from his predecessors in that it began with a legal battle over the governorship, and ended with Martines being recalled. For the first time since Vargas' days, a governor was in jail while his successor fought to retain his title.

Day to day concerns also kept Martines busy. These included judicial review, appeasing the military element in Santa Fe, dealing with natives, the election of local officials and consideration of various petitions. [27] The governor also desired that certain civic improvements be made. In 1716 he ordered that all alcaldes should see that the roads of the province were kept clear and secure and roadsides should also be cleared to prevent bandits hiding in the bushes. [28]

One of the most important efforts of Martines' administration was the continuing campaign against the ever hostile Moqui (Hopi) Indians. This was more or less an annual event in New Mexico. Despite the fact that the Moqui were not harming anyone and their depredations were generally ineffective, the Spanish saw their stand atop the mesas as defiance to Spanish order. Other Indians could look to the Moqui and see that they were not crushed. The Spanish, always fearing rebellion, believed that to conquer the Moqui would destroy the last inclinations of resistance in New Mexico.

Martines planned to carry out his efforts against the Moqui by using Spanish soldiers and Pueblo Indian allies. His idea was to force the Moqui to move to the Rio Grande valley in order to prevent raiding. In 1716 Martines gathered a detachment of seventy Spanish soldiers from Santa Fe. He also levied a manpower quota on the settlers in Albuquerque and Santa Cruz. Also, he ordered the alcaldes of the pueblos to send men to help in the campaign.

He stated that as of August 18, 1716 the following pueblos were to furnish these numbers of men: Taos, fifteen; Picuris, ten; San Juan, ten; Santa Clara, four; Cochiti, twenty; Santo Domingo, ten; San Felipe, twenty; San Ildefonso, ten; Pojoaque, five; Nambe, five; Tesuque, ten; Pecos, thirty; Galisteo, four; Santa Ana, twelve; Zia, twenty-five, Jemez, twenty; Isleta, five; Laguna, ten; Acoma, twenty-five; and Zuñi, twenty, for a total of 282. [29]

The governor offered further inducements by providing pardons for Spanish or Indian men who were sentenced for crimes, since those who wished to join the expedition would be freed. [30] Antonio Lopes, Marcos Montoya and Felix Martines (no relation) seemed to be the only pardoned members of the expedition. [31]

The Moqui campaign began with peaceful gestures, such as the presentation of a large cross and handfuls of tobacco. The Indians accepted these tokens of amity but refused to come down from the heights. Pueblo Indian representatives were sent in twice but failed to obtain results. Finally, Martines, following the advice of his junta de guerra decided to reduce the pueblos (there were three mesas) by direct attack. He determined to starve out the natives so he burned crops surrounding the mesas and ran off Moqui livestock. This did no good, and after sixteen days of seige and facing a water shortage Martines retreated to the Rio Grande and the Moquis remained undefeated on their mesas.

Martines' other major expedition was against the Utes and Comanches. The Comanches were the dominant tribe in the northeastern part of New Mexico. They were nomadic plains Indians that hunted buffalo and moved as demanded by the movement of their food. The Comanches raided Pueblo Indians for food and clothing. The Spanish found that their threat had to be dealt with before the province's economy was destroyed. For several hundred years, however, the Comanches had complete control of the southern Great Plains, forcing the Spanish forcing to use Jicarilla Apache and Carlana Apache as buffers against the Comanches. The Utes, on the other hand, roamed the rugged lands just north of Taos into what is present-day Colorado. This tribe was also nomadic and it preyed upon the tribes of the Rio Grande. The Utes also controlled the San Luis Valley and the San Juan Mountains. Their hunting grounds were the Sangre de Cristo Mountains, the San Juans, and the Colorado Plateau. When the Spanish moved into New Mexico, the Utes were a problem that needed to be solved. For over a hundred years nothing could be done because the Utes dissolved into the Colorado mountains and all efforts to bring them out of their wilderness hiding place were total failures. [32]

Diego de Vargas found the Utes to be strong adversaries when he visited the San Luis Valley [Colorado] in 1696 as part of his pacification program around Taos. Martines, determined to stop raiding by these two tribes, sent 112 men to Taos in October 1716, where a few minor engagements resulted. However, no solid results were obtained. [33]

On September 20, 1716 Martines was informed that he was being replaced by Antonio Valverde y Cossio, a former captain of the presidio at El Paso del Norte. The viceroy, hearing of the sorry state of affairs in New Mexico, appointed Valverde to replace the incompetent Martines. Martines was then told to report directly to the Viceroy Marques de Valero to explain his actions and why the province was progressing so poorly. [34]

In the meantime, Valverde, the man who had defended Vargas before the Spanish crown fifteen years before, came to Santa Fe to take office. However, Martines refused to turn over his records or to vacate the governor's palace. New Mexico now had two governors as Valverde and Martines vied for control of the province. When Valverde went before the cabildo of Santa Fe to gain support for his appointment, he was given its help. [35] Martines, however, refused to recognize the new governor and continued issuing orders, including permission for citizens to leave the province, as if nothing had happened. [36]

It was only in 1717 that Felix Martines left, first for El Paso del Norte and then, under viceregal orders, to Mexico City. Before he left Santa Fe he appointed Juan Paez Hurtado, scion of an old and distinguished New Mexican family, to succeed him. This further complicated the situation, for now there were two "governors"; one appointed by the viceroy and one elevated by Martines. [37]

Hurtado's first and only administrative act was the announcement of the betrothal of King Philip V of Spain to Isabel Farnesio, Princess of Parma. [38] While Hurtado was in nominal command at Santa Fe, Martines went on to Mexico City, taking with him former governor Juan Ygnacio Flores Mogoll&oacuate;n as a favorable witness. Valverde also was ordered to appear before the Viceroy Marques de Valero, who would decide the legitimate governor of New Mexico. However, Valverde, under viceregal orders to take Martines to El Paso, claimed he was ill and remained in Santa Fe. Valverde had no intention of becoming involved with Martines at Mexico City. Valverde took refuge with his friend Fray Juan de Tagle so that his "illness" could be verified if necessary.

In Mexico City charges were filed against Martines, largely based on testimony of Flores Mogoll&oacuate;n. [39] In response, Martines filed counter-charges against Flores Mogoll&oacuate;n and Valverde. After months of litigation, Antonio Valverde y Cossio was finally confirmed governor of New Mexico in 1718, a post he held for the normal five year term.

A residencia was held for Martines in 1723, and the examiners found against the former governor, disgracing him and putting an end to his political career. Flores Mogoll&oacuate;n, also examined by a residencia, was cleared of all charges and he retired peacefully. [40]

Valverde's term began with a controversy caused by Felix Martines. The turmoil that occurred did not represent the usual orderly transition of government in the province. Nonetheless, Valverde upon taking office found that certain ills had to be corrected. In 1718 he issued an order prohibiting the sale of horses from the royal horse herd by soldiers. [41] He also took depositions by the soldiers from Santa Fe against Felix Martines which were forwarded to Mexico City and used against the former governor. [42] The continuing problem of Spanish trespass on Indian lands also concerned the new governor. In August, 1717, Lieutenant Governor Pedro de Villasur issued an order forbidding trespass on the lands of San Juan pueblo. He ordered "all citizens of this jurisdiction to cease and desist feeding their cattle on the said land..." [43]

Valverde's career included several campaigns against hostile natives. In 1719 he organized an expedition against the Utes, who were raiding in the north of New Mexico. He led a force of 105 New Mexicans with 30 Indian allies into southeastern Colorado and southwestern Kansas looking for Comanches, but with no results. [44] Valverde's other Indian campaign was the annual attempt to conquer the Moqui. Despite raising an assault force in 1721, he never managed to get started, for in that year the Spanish government sent Juan de Estrada y Austria as juez de residencia (resident judge), and Valverde was too busy attending to him to continue the Indian wars. [45] In that year, Valverde was succeeded as governor by Juan Domingo de Bustamante. As governor, Valverde was little more than a caretaker until a governor from New Spain could be appointed. His administration saw little advance. He did organize several Indian campaigns, including what became known as the Villasur disaster. He was able to keep the judicial and governmental systems of New Mexico functioning until his successor arrived.

Of the various cases and petitions he handled, several indicate the type of society that he ruled. A limited number of cases dealt with murder and robbery. Others included petitions such as that given by Joseph Garcia for permission to instruct the youth Bisente de Armijo in the art of tailoring. [46] This indicates that an artisan class had developed in New Mexico. That such a youth was being apprenticed suggests that the economic situation in the province was improving. Other indicators of economic recovery can be seen in the fact that for the first time a brand for cattle was registered in 1716.

It showed that enough cattle were raised so a register had to be established to stop thieves and to prevent the mixing of cattle. [47]

During this period most of the civil suits dealt with economic matters. Cattle, horses, and land deals all came into the courts. There may have been a good deal of internal business in the province, for the number of debt cases, contract settlements, and land sales increased considerably from 1710 to 1720. [48]

The Spanish also had problems with the Indians and their insistence on adhering to old ways. In one case an unnamed native of Taos was accused of using peyote for religious purposes. He said that he used this drug in order to gain knowledge of his native gods. The Church said he refused to recognize the true god. For his offense he was sentenced to jail. [49] The significance of this case is not in the use of peyote, but rather that the natives had not given up their own religion despite continued teachings by Franciscan friars. The Indians were certainly interested in the old ways of life that many of the older tribe members could recall and, much to the dismay of the Spanish, secret religious rites were held by nearly all the tribes of the jurisdiction of New Mexico.

On March 22, 1722 Juan Domingo de Bustamante took office as governor of New Mexico. He was a royal appointee and he held office for two terms, his administration ending in 1731. [50] One of Bustamante's first duties was to host the visitation of juez visitador of presidios, Antonio Cobian Busto. Cobian Busto, having toured the province, ordered that new settlements north of Taos be established to prevent further Indian intrusions. He suggested a permanent establishment at El Cuartelejo, on the far southeastern Colorado plains [or southwestern Kansas]. Taos should be strengthened as the most expedient method of solving the raiding Indian problem. [551] Apparently Cobian Busto found the presidio at Santa Fe sadly lacking in protection and, more importantly, he questioned why New Mexico was not more fully settled and economically self-sufficient. In October 1722 a junta was held in Santa Fe to determine why the country from Chihuahua north to Santa Fe was not more fully populated by "prosperous and tribute-paying Spaniards." [52]

The reason was the small numbers of Spaniards in the area. These people feared Indian raids. Others, hearing about the terrors of the north, refused to settle the area. It was suggested that a presidio of fifty men and a settlement of 200 families be established at Socorro, and another presidio of fifty men be settled in the "mineral rich" area of Aguatuvi. [53] These settlements apparently got nowhere, due to the fact that the Spanish government would have to spend money in recruiting settlers and then would have to support them until the area could be fully self-supporting. The expenses involved made the viceroy settle for what he already had.

As of 1722 New Mexico seems to have expanded by possibly 3,000 souls, not nearly enough to satisfy officials in Mexico City. [54]

Indications are that some limited economic growth took place during the period. Small items like the registry of brands, the apprenticeship of young boys to skilled masters, the legal battles over land, cattle, and businesses, the problem of debts and debtors, and contracts between merchants all point to an economic upswing. As the province became stronger, more and more civil suits were recorded.

Over a period of ten years, 1710-1720, the number of suits dealing with business matters doubled. This may be due to better record keeping on the part of the government or to the fact that the earlier documents of this nature were lost. Nonetheless, there are indications that New Mexico was on its way to economic recovery.

Another indicator of growth in New Mexico was in the increase of crime in the province. There are two possible reasons for this. One, the population indeed did grow, as did the economy, and this led to an increase in criminal activity. Another possibility is that so little growth occurred that men took to crime in order to survive the rigors of a frontier world. If this is true, then there should have been more burglaries, cattle thefts, and robberies than indicated. Proportionally, there were more crimes of passion such as rape, murder, adultery, and assault than crimes like theft.

The period also saw continued actions against raiding Indians such as the Apache, Moqui, and Utes. Invariably campaigns against these tribes were failures. This was because, with the exception of the Moqui, the natives were raiders who could easily sweep down upon the Spanish and then be gone by the time a force could be assembled. Organized expeditions were doomed to failure because they hunted shadows among the mountains in the north. To find a group of raiders in such terrain was just beyond the capabilities of the Spanish, even with the help of Pueblo auxiliaries.

The Moqui were another matter. They were pueblo people who had excellent fortresses. The Spanish tried to starve them out, burn them out, and then force them out by direct attack. But the Moqui could easily repel invaders and keep them at bay. In short, the Indian campaigns of the period were of little value and did nothing to control the raiders of the plains.

The period from 1713-1723 was one of continued defense, limited growth, and mediocre government. Infighting among various officials did little to help New Mexico develop, and Bustamante's arrival was the first real hope for New Mexico's future since the death of Vargas. In Bustamante, it was hoped New Mexico had a governor who was willing to help the province grow and prosper.

Juan Ignacio Flores Mogollón

NOTES

1 Petition of residents of Albuquerque, October 13, 1712, at Albuquerque, in SANM.

2 List of residents absent from New Mexico, November 1, 1712, at Santa Fe, in SANM.

3 Order of Juan Ygnacio Flores Mogoll&oacuate;n against trade with non-Christian Indians, December 16, 1712 at Santa Fe, in SANM.

4 Soldiers of Santa Fe, petition to governor, July 15, 1713; Petition, November 2-19, 1715; petition to governor, November 2-June 12, 1714-1715, and power of attorney for soldiers May 30, 1714, all at Santa Fe, in SANM.

5 Testimony of soldiers, August 2-9, 1713 at Santa Fe, in SANM.

6 Order of Governor Flores Mogoll&oacuate;n, April 30, 1714, at Santa Fe, in SANM.

7 Ibid, April 30, 1714.

8 The following cases are examples: Maria de Benavides vs. Antonia Moraga for slander, July 12-August 7, 1713; Trial of Pedro Lopes for desertion, October 30-November 16, 1713; Proceedings against Bartolome Farduno, May 4-July 4, 1715; Proceedings against Miguel Lujan, April 20. 1713; and Proceedings against Phelipe Lujan for mistreatment of wife, July 14-August 22, 1713.

9 Suit of Miguel de Dios vs. Ramon de Medina, October 18-20, 1712, at Santa Fe, in SANM.

10 Proceedings against Nicolas de Chavez, July 10-July 20, 1714 and October 2-November 10, 1714 at Santa Fe, in SANM.

11 These figures were determined by computing the numbers of each crime committed during a four year period and then comparing them to an estimated population of 20,000 persons. All cases were drawn from SANM.

12 From 1696 to 1776 there were recorded three instances of viceregal orders for arrest, one being the Duke of Linares' order for the arrest of Sebastian Maldonado, April 23, 1715, at Mexico City, in SANM.

13 Records in SANM indicate that the principal weapons used were knives and clubs. For example, Governor Felix Martines had to order in 1715 that the carrying of arms such as knives, clubs, large swords [espadas largas] as well as guns in population areas was illegal. Order of Governor Felix Martines, December 14, 1715, at Santa Fe in SANM.

14 Criminal proceedings against Lorenzo Rodriguez, February 23-March 1, 1715 at Santa Fe, in SANM.

15 Proceedings regarding the insurrection attempt among the Jemez Indians, June 16-July 18, 1715, at Santa Fe, in SANM.

16 Criminal proceedings against five residents, June 25-29, 1715 at Santa Fe, in SANM.

17 Muster List of Santa Fe presidio, June 3, 1715, at Santa Fe in SANM.

18 Petitions of soldiers of Santa Fe, June 4, 1715, at Santa Fe, in SANM.

19 Muster List, above, and Petitions, above, show totals that reflect the strength of the garrison in 1715.

20 See: Oakah L. Jones, Pueblo Warriors and Spanish Conquest (Norman, 1966), pp. 90-94.

21 Proceedings against Juan Lopes and Francisco de Rosas, August 14-19, 1715 at Santa Fe, in SANM.

22 Petition of Antonia Duran for aid, November 2-11, 1715, at Santa Fe, in SANM.

23 Proceedings against three citizens of Santa Cruz, August 28, 1715-April 28, 1716, at Santa Cruz and Santa Fe, in SANM.

24 Proceedings in the settlement of the estate of Gregorio Ramirez, November 11, 1715, at Santa Fe in SANM.

25 Certificate to King [for assumption of power by governor], November 23, 1715, at Santa Fe, in SANM.

26 Order of Felix Martines, forbidding carrying of arms in towns, December 14, 1715, at Santa Fe, in SANM.

27 Election of local officials, January 1, 1716, at Santa Fe, in SANM.

28 Order to maintain roads, Felix Martines, April 16, 1716, at Santa Fe, in SANM.

29 Oakah L. Jones, Pueblo Warriors and Spanish Conquest, pp. 94-95.

30 Orders for pardons for those wishing to enlist in Moqui campaign, by Felix Martines, August 3, 1716 at Santa Fe, in SANM.

31 Petitions of three volunteers for the Moqui campaign, August 3-8, 1716, at Santa Fe, in SANM.

32 The Comanches are thoroughly discussed in Alfred B. Thomas, ed., The Plains Indians and New Mexico, 1751-1778: A Collection of Documents Illustrative of the History of the Eastern Frontier of New Mexico, (Albuquerque, 1940) and in: Rupert Richardson, The Comanche Barrier to the South Plains Settlement, (Glendale, California, 1933). See also: Robert Emmitt, The Last War Trail (Norman, 1954).

33 Felix Martines, Junta de guerra, regarding campaign against Ute and Comanche, October 14-December 10, 1716, at Santa Fe in SANM.

34 Marques de Valero, Orders to Felix Martines to surrender government of New Mexico to Antonio Valverde y Cossio, September 30, 1716, at Mexico City, in SANM.

35 Valverde y Cossio, to cabildo of Santa Fe, notifications, December 7-9, 1716 at Santa Fe, in SANM.

36 Felix Martines, Permission to Juan de Atienza Alcala to leave province, December 15, 1716, at Santa Fe, in SANM.

37 Felix Martines, Order to Sergeant Domingo Misquia for escort to El Paso del Norte, January 10, 1717 at Santa Fe, in SANM.

38 Juan Paez Hurtado, Order directing celebration of betrothal of King Philip V, February 6, 1717 at Santa Fe, in SANM.

39 Juan Ygnacio Flores Mogoll&oacuate;n, to Francisco Buenode Bohorques, regarding the charges of Felix Martines, September 26, 1717, at Mexico City, in SANM.

40 Residencia of Felix Martines, unfavorable judgment, August 16,1723, at Mexico City, in SANM.

41 Order of Valverde y Cossio, prohibiting the sale of horses from royal horseherd. July 17, 1718, at Santa Fe, in SANM.

42 Depositions of soldiers of Santa Fe against Felix Martines, July 30, 1718, at Santa Fe, in SANM.

43 Pedro de Villasur, Order forbidding trespass on the lands of San Juan pueblo, August 11, 1718 at Santa Fe, in SANM.

44 Junta de Guerra and correspondence of the Ute campaign, August 9-19, 1719, at Santa Fe, in SANM.

45 Order of Valverde y Cossio for muster of citizens for proposed Apache campaign, August 9, 1720, at Santa Fe, in SANM.

46 Petition of Joseph Garcia to instruct youth, October 21, 1720 at Santa Fe, in SANM.

47 Diego Marques, Registry of brand, October 24, 1716, at Santa Cruz, in SANM.

48 For example: Civil and criminal complaint of Juan de Dios against Juan Antonio Lopes, June 20-July 3, 1719, at Santa Cruz, and Ygnacio Roybal, petition regarding the collection of debts, November 26, 1718, at Santa Fe, both in SANM

49 Proceedings in case of Taos Indian for use of peyote, February 3-8, 1719, at Santa Fe, in SANM.

50 Juan Domingo de Bustamante, Act of possession of government, March 2, 1722, at Santa Fe, in SANM.

51 Antonio Cobian Busto, Order for council, October 10, 1722 at Santa Fe, in SANM.

52 Ibid.

53 Ibid.

54 See: Adams, Bishop Tamaron's Visitation. The appendix contains Bishop Crespo's Report of 1730 in which he details population statistics for New Mexico.

Juan Domingo de Bustamante