Prisoner Revolt

As the surprised Union troops were driven from camp, the attacking Confederate forces discovered more than 100 other Confederates leaving the camp area. Butler thought they were Wright's troops falling back, but he learned they were Confederate prisoners of war who had overpowered their Union guards when the attack began. Butler (1909a:445) sent the ex-prisoners to the rear and advanced "passed [sic] Kilpatrick's headquarters, through his artillery, wagon and ambulance train."

Brooks (1909:434-435)recalled a fellow soldier, Flinn or Glenn Davis (depending on the source), was taken prisoner by Kilpatrick's Cavalry while on picket duty March 7. Davis was among the men liberated during the battle. Those captured were bitter toward the Federals for not providing them with adequate rations and because of maltreatment by several guards.

When Davis was freed March 10, the first thing he did was to seize a camp kettle of food boiling over a fire and begin to eat the contents. He continued to do so until a bullet pierced the kettle bottom. General Butler purportedly rode by and asked Davis what he was doing. Davis reportedly replied, "I am getting a little bite, General, the first in three days; will be with the boys in a minute."

When Davis finished with the kettle of food, he picked up an abandoned Winchester rifle, found a Federal horse, and with two pistols handed to him by one of his brothers (also serving in the Regiment) joined the fight. Davis purportedly spent some time looking for an especially cruel guard who enjoyed kicking the prisoners and using the flat of his saber on their backsides, but found "Dutchey" already dead behind a tree. The dead Federal guard was supposed to have been full of lead, a special treatment from the freed Confederates as a payback for his abuse.

Butler (1909b:475) notes that Wheeler was unable to carry out his part in the battle due to "an unforeseen obstacle in a boggy swamp, and the severe losses we suffered by reason of the same." Butler also notes that among the losses that day were Lieutenant Colonel King of the Cobb Legion and Sergeant Sam Cothran of the 6th South Carolina Cavalry who was shot down and instantly killed near Butler. He states 60 others were also lost.

Dodson (n.d. 331-345) refers to a certain rivalry between Hampton and Wheeler. Dodson devotes a fair portion of two chapters of his biography of Wheeler refuting claims against the general, particularly that Wheeler did not support the attack at Monroe's Crossroads. He (Dodson n.d.:344) has Wheeler scouting the Federal camp with his advance guard under Captain Shannon who is claimed to have captured Kilpatrick's pickets. Dodson (n.d.:344) identifies Wheeler's order of battle. He has Allen's and Humes' commands, delayed by rain, arriving near daylight when Wheeler ordered them into five columns for the attack. Dibrell's command was held in reserve, and Captain Shannon and his scouts were ordered to capture Kilpatrick.

Apparently to blunt criticism of Wheeler, Dodson deftly points out that Wheeler was extensively engaged at Monroe's Crossroads, with Generals Humes and Harrison, Colonels Hagen and Roberts, and Major Farish, who were severely wounded. He also notes Colonel King was killed and that General Allen and Colonel Ashby (Colonel Henry M. Ashby, C.S.A.) had their horses shot from under them during the battle.

Dodson (n.d.:345) suggests the loss of these officers was the cause of Wheeler's inability to mount a successful charge. Dodson also blames the boggy stream that threw the troops into disorder as another reason for the lack of success on the Confederate right.

Although Dodson alludes to fighting and the loss of the many officers, at no time does he mention the Federal response to the attempted charge across Nicholson Creek.

Dodson (n.d.:345) implies that Wheeler led the charge into the camp, and that is where his losses occurred. He also points out that the Federal artillery and wagons were in Confederate hands and had been attacked by Wheeler's orders, implying that Wheeler was in general charge of the assault.

Dodson (n.d.:346) does state that Wheeler's command, specifically excluding Butler, consisted of 1,189 men who went into action at Monroe's Crossroads. Their losses were a dozen killed, 60 wounded, and 10 missing.

Calhoun (1912:82-83) provides an alternative view to the Wheeler/Hampton controversy. He states that after Butler and Hampton died Wheeler unduly claimed credit for command when it was Hampton and Butler who were in command and issued the orders for the attack on Kilpatrick's camp.

It was definitely established that Wright had charged through the camp, and his command became scattered. Butler expected to use Law's reserves to take up positions after the initial charge, but to his dismay Hampton had ordered Law to another position. When Wheeler's command joined Butler, precious time was lost in their movement around the swampy Nicholson Creek. The Union troops, unaware of these movements, used the time to regroup and fight.

During the fight, several incidents occurred which were recorded years afterward by various participants. J. C. Covin was a scout with Hampton and Butler. He recalled (Brooks 1909:488) that on a scouting expedition for Hampton near Columbia, South Carolina, Sergeant Hogan and another man were captured, although both were liberated in the Monroe's Crossroads fight. Covin also recalled that he personally saw Hampton fire his pistol and down a Federal soldier. Covin himself emptied both his pistols and struck a Federal soldier with one as he rode past.

Brooks (1909:426-427), citing a history of the Citadel (South Carolina Military Academy) by Lieutenant Alfred Aldrich, describes incidents of the Monroe's Crossroads battle. The Cadet Company of the Sixth South Carolina consisted of Citadel cadets. Cadet J. H. Moses, known to his comrades as "Shaftsbury, "had his horse shot from under him and was attacked by a large Federal solider. In hand-to-hand combat, the two were biting and wrestling when Confederate Private Bill Martin, who was also separated from his horse, came along and "lifted the Yank off of 'Shaftsbury' with his revolver."

Brooks (1909) also relates a story of a duel between Captain James Butler and an unidentified Federal officer. Captain Butler saw his brother Nat Butler wounded in the right elbow and came to his aid. Nat lost his arm because of the wound. At that point, Captain Butler engaged the officer in a fire fight with at least three shots exchanged. The Federal officer was either wounded or killed. General Butler (1909a:446) elaborates on this account. He states that while futilely waiting near the Union artillery for Wheeler to push through the camp from the Confederate right and waiting for Law's Brigade to join the fight, he observed a mounted duel between a Union officer and a Confederate officer. When the two men were about 10 paces apart, the Federal officer fired, and his shot was returned by the Confederate. Two additional shots were fired with the third tumbling the Union officer from his horse. General Butler was later surprised to learn that the Confederate officer engaged in the duel was his own brother, Captain James Butler, who was serving on General Butler's staff.

In another incident, Lieutenant H. C. Reynolds, C. S.A., Wheeler's scout, also engaged in a duel with a Federal officer (Dubose 1912b:450). Both nearly exhausted their revolver rounds before Reynolds wounded and forced his adversary from his horse. The horse and pistol were captured. Dubose (1912b:450) indicated the pistol was in an Alabama archive in 1912.

Taking the Artillery

The Confederates attempted to harness teams of horses to make away with the supply wagons and the artillery. Butler (1909:445-446) recalled that after Wheeler joined him the Federals regrouped and "gathered themselves behind pine trees, and with their rapid-firing Spencer carbines attacked us savagely and finally drove us out. I managed to gather up fragments of Wright's Brigade and charged the rallying Federals, but they had got to their artillery and, with their carbines, made it so hot for the handful of us that we had to retire."

During this charge, Lieutenant Colonel King was killed, and Butler reports he lost 62 men in five minutes. The Cobb Legion is reported to have charged within 15 or 20 paces of Kilpatrick's regrouped men when it was raked by artillery fire. There, Lieutenant Colonel King was mortally wounded by shrapnel from the artillery. The missile severed his femoral artery and spattered blood on the nearby Private Howard (1901:13). Howard (1901:13) stated that his brother and Bugler Jackson retrieved King's body and buried him along the Confederate withdrawal line. The location of the burial was communicated to King's brother, who later had the body removed to his home at Roswell, Georgia.

The Federal artillery was under the command of First Lieutenant Ebenezer Stetson, U.S.A., 10th Wisconsin Battery of Light Artillery. Stetson ran to his guns and got them into action after the Union troops had reorganized and counterattacked. Major Cheek, 5th Kentucky (U.S.), (OR 1895:899) states that "after a most bloody conflict of one hour and a half, a few of my men, with Lieutenant Stetson, 10th Wisconsin Battery, charged and retook two pieces of artillery, which had been in possession of the rebels some half an hour. Lieutenant Stetson quickly fired a round of grape and canister into the rebel ranks, which greatly encouraged my men, and demoralized and discouraged the rebels to an equal extent. The men were easily rallied to the support of the artillery...." Stetson purportedly singlehandedly unlimbered, loaded, and fired one gun before the crew could reform and join him. Stetson apparently fired into the Confederates attempting to harness the wagon teams, causing great confusion.

Hampton and Wheeler were seen on an elevation near the Cobb Legion during the battle encouraging the men, but they were pushed back by better armed Federals who effectively used their artillery. Howard (1901:12-13) suggests the Confederates should have taken more care with the artillery earlier in the battle.

Nye (n.d. :9) quotes Brooks (1909:433) on the role of the artillery:

During the hot hand-to-hand fight in Kilpatrick's camp a section of artillery on a slight hill, a little distance from where we were engaged, was playing havoc with our men, discharging double loads of shrapnel into us. Some of Butler's command commenced to concentrate their fire upon the men who were working these guns, and soon killed or knocked out all who were serving the guns except one Lieutenant. He seemed to bear a charmed life, and bravely loaded and fired the one gun left. [L,t. John] DeVaux called for some men to charge this battery with him; there was so much noise and confusion incident to such close fighting that he and Captain John Humphries of the Sixth Regiment, and Glenn Davis were the only ones to charge towards this battery. The Yankee Lieutenant serving the gun pulled his lanyard and discharged the load of shrapnel when they were a short distance from the muzzle of the cannon. Lieutenant DeVaux was shot five places; fortunately no bones were shattered. Captain Humphries was shot in the arm and later died from delayed amputation. Both their horses were killed. When he saw DeVaux and Humphries shot down some of our men charged up to this battery, served so gallantly by this brave and cool Yankee, and while he was in the act of reloading, killed him with a pistol shot. General Butler, when he saw it, said that it was a pity to kill so brave a man.

This report notwithstanding, Stetson was not killed, nor any of the men with the 10th Wisconsin Battery (Quiner 1866:961). The battery suffered a number wounded, 10 prisoners taken, one gun disabled, and the loss of 30 horses, but none killed. Sergeant John Swartz, purportedly the Chief of Section, was killed, but the 10th Wisconsin records do not list anyone by this name.

During the time Stetson began to fire his artillery, at least some Union troops rallied and advanced their line back through the camp forcing the Confederate cavalry to withdraw. Northrop (1912:423; 1913:477), who was with Kilpatrick's Scouts, indicates he had camped away from the farm during the night.

On hearing the sounds of battle in the early morning, he mounted his men and rode back to the farm. There he found Kilpatrick and some of the men in the swamp. The men in the swamp thought Northrop's troops to be members of the First Brigade, and as Northrop rode through the Federal troops into the camp the remainder rallied, formed lines, and retook the camp. Butler states "but now a solid line which the enemy had formed in the distance approached slowly with so deadly a fire as to compel us to retire." It may have been at this time that members of the Fourth Provisional Brigade also formed "making a line to which the rest rallied, and advanced. When the gleaming of bayonets were seen in the gray light, the cry was raised that the infantry were upon them" (Cox 1882:180).

Confederates Withdraw

With no help from the Confederate rear forthcoming and assuming that Union infantry support was drawing near, the Confederates disengaged. With perhaps as many as 400 Union prisoners in tow, the Confederate column began to move toward Fayetteville. Dibrell's command covered the withdrawal and exchanged shots with Union troops, following their movements for a short distance.

The battle was over about nine o'clock, leaving perhaps 100 dead and an unknown number of wounded, as well as prisoners. Kilpatrick, in his underwear, apparently joined his men in the fight. He had escaped capture by fooling Captain Bostick into thinking a mounted trooper was Kilpatrick (Inzer 1904:177; Hood 1906:176; McDowell et al. 1906:309). Kilpatrick lost his spotted horse or horses, accounts vary, to the attacking Confederates at Monroe's Crossroads. A short time after Appomattox, Kilpatrick sent a note with a flag of truce to General Hampton requesting the return of his mount. Hampton complied and returned the horse.

Kilpatrick's staff and that of Colonel Spencer were unable to leave the Monroe House during the fight, although in the melee the Confederates apparently did not try to enter the house either. An interesting story relating to the women accompanying Kilpatrick' 5 headquarters revolves around the headquarters flag. Lieutenant James Miller, 5th Ohio Cavalry (U.S.), reported that he held the headquarters flag during the battle, then returned it to the color bearer. However, Kilpatrick gives a woman named Alice credit for saving the flag by concealing it under her garments (Lowry 1994:144).

The women accompanying Kilpatrick were variously reported as stranded school teachers, women of disreputable character, and women dressed as men (Lowry 1994:143-145). It is also reported that one of the women, possibly Marie Boozer, rushed from the house wearing a scanty nightdress in an attempt to get to her buggy. She was escorted, apparently by Captain Samuel Pegues of the 3rd Alabama Cavalry (C.S.), to a deep drainage ditch and cover east of the house (Dubose 1912b:449).

Kilpatrick (OR 1895:862) reports 80 Confederate dead and 30 taken prisoner, with the Union loss of four officers killed, seven wounded, 15 enlisted men killed, 61 wounded, and 103 taken prisoner. Colonel Spencer (OR 1895:895) reported 18 killed, 70 wounded, and 105 missing. Among those killed were Adjutant Mitchell of the 5th Kentucky (U.S.) and eight officers of the 1st Alabama (U.S.). Major Tramel, 1st Alabama (U.S.), (OR 1895:897) reported he was captured, but escaped four days later. He reported that his regiment lost four killed, 27 wounded, and 41 missing. Major Cheek, 5th Kentucky (U.S.) (OR 1895:899), found 33 Confederate dead in his lines after the battle.

Brooks (1909:417) recalled several Confederate causalities besides those already mentioned. Among them was Major Tom Ferguson, 6th South Carolina Cavalry, who was wounded. Another was Sergeant G.H. Hodges who was separated from his horse and wounded in the side near where he had also been wounded at Trevillian Station in 1864. Brooks (1909:428) also identifies four men from Company B, 6th South Carolina Cavalry as killed in action at Monroe's Crossroads-Sergeant Sam Cothran, Tom Sego, Mat Adams, and Fayette Cogburn. He notes this reduced the company to just a handful of men.

Kilpatrick and his command stayed on the field of battle until mid-afternoon caring for the wounded, burying the dead, and reassembling their kits. The dead were apparently buried in shallow pits dug into the sandy soil. Neill S. Blue, a boy of 15 at the time of the battle and a local resident, informed Nye (n.d.:10) that he set a few pieces of sandstone over the graves after the battle. Blue also stated he went to the field the day following the battle and found many dead and wounded around a log barn where the fighting had been particularly heavy (Daly n.d.:4). Blue reported he counted 320 dead horses some days after the battle. (McLauchlin n.d.).

Within a month of the battle, a defeated South Carolina soldier, returning home, passed the battle site and reported seeing the house still deserted, draft animal carcasses rotting in the yard, and some human dead partially exhumed by the elements or wild animals (Nye n.d.:10).

Possibly the same individual or another South Carolina ex-soldier, S. W Kennedy, Company C, 6th Carolina Cavalry, was looking for his brother's grave in 1881. According to an undated 1881 Columbia newspaper clipping (on file at Fort Bragg, Monroe's Crossroads collection) he discovered the grave of Sergeant Samuel G. Cothran, Company B, 6th Carolina Cavalry.

The graves were not formally marked until 1921 when Fort Bragg authorities placed markers over 39 Union unknown dead at sites identified by Neill Blue. Blue claimed that the Confederate dead were buried on Battlefield Farm (Daly n.d.:4). Some or all the Confederate dead were exhumed soon after the battle and reinterred in the Long Street Presbyterian Church cemetery by Captain John McKellar and John Currie (McCleod 1923:16). The remains buried at the church cemetery are under a marker inscribed, "Confederate Soldiers." Others were reburied in Fayetteville, and some may have been reclaimed by their families. McLauchlin (n.d.) also noted that some Northern families traveled to the battle site after the war to reclaim some of their dead relatives as well.

In 1993, the Army placed a memorial marker for Confederate soldiers on the battlefield.

PREVIOUS COLLECTING EFFORTS

The Monroe's Crossroads Battlefield was affected by many post-battle activities. In the years immediately following the war, the most predominate activity and probably the least damaging was agriculture. The acquisition of the site during World War I as an artillery post began a sequence of impacts, which continue today. Use of the site as an army training ground has left behind gun pits, riflepits, foxholes, various pieces of equipment, and thousands upon thousands of cartridge cases. These bits of training paraphernalia are scattered throughout the battlefield. Except for entrenchments, most have not affected the subsurface deposits, and, in a manner, have protected the site by adding thousands of metal pieces to the site. This metallic shield, in a way, frustrates the casual metal detector because the modern debris is the predominant find and not the artifacts of the battle.

However, the site is well known to serious metal detecting enthusiasts and appears to have been heavily collected during the last 30 years. Most of the resulting collections are unrecorded and apparently have been dispersed. Thankfully, Stanley Dahl (First Sergeant, U.S.A., retired), kept most of his collection intact. Mr. Dahl's keen interest in the site was an important factor in the success of this archeological project. Mr. Dahl kindly lent his artifact collection for examination and freely gave his time and knowledge. His recollections on find locations, previously productive artifact areas, and his understanding of the terrain were of inestimable assistance to the archeological team.

Mr. Dahl's collection includes a tremendous variety of materials, many of which were not duplicated in the archeological investigations. His data provides substantial supportive and additional information about the armament and accouterments of the battle participants. The items actually examined are summarized in Table 2.

In addition to the listed items, Mr. Dahl donated some material to the Fayetteville Independent Light Infantry Company Armory. These include eight Spencer cases, three Burnside cases, one Hotchkiss shell, several .58 bullets, knapsack hooks, US oval belt plate, CS belt plate, NC belt plate, and a large US oval cartridge box plate. Mr. Dahl also has the base portion of at least two other Hotchkiss shells in his possession.

Mr. Fred Raber worked with Stan Dahl at Monroe's Crossroads. He indicated that he collected a "trunk load of artifacts," but gave most of them away. He donated several items to the Museum of the Cape Fear in Fayetteville.

The donated items are a .58-caliber Williams Cleaner bullet, a Starr .54-caliber bullet, several .58-caliber minie bullets, and a pocket knife.

The Museum of the Cape Fear in Fayetteville also has a Henry rifle purported to have been captured at Monroe's Crossroads by J. C. Ellington The name Joshua Sowash is engraved on the sideplate.

Sowash's Civil War Service records in Record Group 95, held in the National Archives, indicate he enlisted in the 58th Indiana Infantry on October 1, 1861. He served in Company C until he was mustered out on January 24, 1864 when he reenlisted in the Veteran Volunteer Reserves.

He served in that unit until July 3, 1865 when he mustered out of service. During his service in the Veteran Volunteer Reserves, he was assigned as a pontoon rigger. It is possible this is the same rifle that Flinn or Glenn Davis is purported to have found on the field, as mentioned earlier

Despite the historical documentation and collection of relics, the Monroe's Crossroads story is incomplete. This is especially true in light of the need to develop the staff ride to support leadership training at the battlefield site.

Without additional research in the historical records and recovery of archeological evidence, the battle's boundaries, locations of the troops at various points in the battle, and the deployment of the camp would remain uncertain.

The remainder of this report is devoted to archeological investigation methods, descriptions of recovered artifacts, features, and excavations, and the interpretation of these data to support the development of the staff ride plans.

Chapter 4 - Test Excavations: Analysis and Results

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