Map 5: Late Archaic Sites (110 KB).
(Click images to enlarge)

CHAPTER 5

A Wealth of Discoveries
3000 to 2000 B.C. The Late Archaic Preceramic Era

On a clear morning in early spring, a hawk soared over a dense forest. His sharp eyes scoured the world below, searching for a small, careless animal that would provide his first meal of the day. Only the wind and the faint rustling of his wings disturbed the quiet until the hawk reached an unexpected clearing in the trees where loud, unfamiliar sounds erupted and disturbing swi4s of gray smoke curled into the sky. Sensing danger, the hunter beat his powerful wings and was soon miles away.

There was too much to do along the river that morning for anyone to notice the retreating hawk. People involved in various activities were scattered across the quarter mile of the gap in the woods. They had cleared the land themselves by cutting away underbrush and small trees with stone axes. Bigger trees that couldn't be easily felled, were stripped of bark as high as a man's arms could reach with stone knives. Big swaths had been cut, leaving tender wood exposed, and soon killing the trees. The tallest upper limbs remained, but with branches now permanently devoid of leaves, allowing the sun's full strength to reach the ground.

The sandy soil that once nurtured the trees and now was claimed by the settlers, was part of a long, broad levee parallel to the river, a summit built over thousands of years by floods depositing sediments. A ridge slightly higher than the rest of the levee gave an ideal vantage point. It was along the crest of the ridge that people built their homes.

Young, sturdy hickory trees, stripped of branches and limbs, formed the frames of their houses. Pines were avoided because they snapped easily, but the hickory was strong and made limber by soaking in the river. When the wood was pliable, the men dug a wide oval of holes eight inches deep. They placed the tree poles, some a foot thick, into the holes and packed dirt around the bases to hold them securely. They left a gap wide enough for a doorway facing the river.

Next, they pulled the tree tops towards the center of the oval and tied them together with vines. To finish the house, the women helped cover the frame with deer hides, plant thatch, and bark strips taken from the big trees. The shelter was only partly effective for keeping out the rain and cold, but inside there was a smoldering fire within a stone circle that could be stoked for more warmth, as well as for cooking.

Near the fire in the dirt floor were two shallow pits where food wrapped in animal skins was kept, safe from scavengers and ready to be prepared for the next meal. The dwelling floor and ground around the shelter were swept clean of debris. Outside the house, several more fires burned nearby and there were also more pits. These were about a foot-and-a-half to three feet wide and about eight inches deep. Some, like the holes inside the shelter, were used to store food, while others were for cooking.

Animal skins, scraped with sharp rocks until free of flesh and hair, were loosely stretched across the cooking pits. The edges of the skins were pegged securely to the ground with sharp sticks. A stew of meat from whitetail deer, roots, and herbs simmered in one of these skin containers. From time to time, one of the women tending the stew went to a nearby fire where she used a long stick to pull out a soapstone slab with a hole in it from the flames. By pushing the stick further through the hole, she was able to carry the hot rock to the cooking pit where she dropped it into the stew. The liquid rose to a fast boil from the added heat, then eventually returned to a simmer, which lasted for some time.

She repeated the process many times, walking to the fire, built far enough away to avoid ash blowing into the cooking food, pulling out a dangerously hot rock, then depositing it into the stew, until she was satisfied with the results. Her young daughter shadowed her footsteps, watching and learn-mg.

Behind the shelter and down the slight slope from the ridge crest, another group of fires was scattered from five to ten yards away. Here the men and boys gathered. Their laughter mixed with the sounds of preparing stone weapons and their recalling the day's successful hunt. One man fed green wood onto a fire to cause smoke to waft over deer meat and fish arranged on wooden frames close by. When the food was thoroughly dried and smoked, he would give it to the women to save for other days when the hunting and fishing did not go so well.

Between some of the fires, rough poles of hickory and oak were stuck in the ground and draped with animal skins stretched between them to block the cool breeze. These baffles also helped keep the smoke from escaping before it served its purpose of drying the fish and meat. The sharp sound of rocks hitting rocks punctuated the air, and splinters flew dangerously as some men made weapons and tools. Stone debris was everywhere underfoot.

Furious growling caught everyone's attention. Two dogs were wrangling over a bony piece of meat, dragged away from the fires when nobody was watching. The fire tender picked up a sharp rock and threw it at the dogs, who momentarily stopped their battle, then quickly resumed it.

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About 5,000 years ago, not far from Anderson, South Carolina, people gathered in such a place and likely engaged in such activities. Their existence came to light during excavations guided by Figure 27: Interpretive Painting of Sara's Ridge (32.7 KB).Dean Wood, who named the site Sara's Ridge after the newborn daughter of two of his crew.

Sara's Ridge also marked an epiphany of sorts for archeology because it was on this crest overlooking the Savannah River that some of the first evidence of substantial housing from early prehistory in the Southeast was discovered. The dramatic finding took place when archeologists located 87 stains buried in the soil, marks caused by posts driven into the ground, which left the discolorations as they decayed. Some of these stains, called post-molds, could have come from rotting tree roots, but at least 25 resulted unmistakably from sapling posts deliberately arranged.

Before Sara's Ridge, only three other sites in Georgia and South Carolina had shown any sign of Late Archaic housing, again detected by postmolds. Stains indicating a possible lean-to were found in the Georgia Coastal Plain near the Savannah River, while in South Carolina, a small, D-shaped postmold pattern was uncovered on Hilton Head Island, and potential signs of a structure about three yards long were discovered on Sol Legare Island. But with the possible exception of the Sol Legare site, these other postmolds indicated insubstantial structures, making the find at Sara's Ridge all the more important. (Since completion of the Russell Reservoir studies, archeologists have uncovered evidence of several other Late Archaic houses in Georgia.)

The discoveries on the levee crest at Sara's Ridge might never have happened with different weather and less skillful researchers. The crew gathered on the ridge in February. They were young, mostly in their twenties and thirties, a mix of professional archeologists, students, and interested amateurs. Some of them camped on the site during the dig, with a few trying their hands at fishing in the river and cooking their catches over campfires.

Field work began soon after dawn and continued until sunset. Tasks were physically strenuous with much digging, stooping, and carrying, but there was always the possibility of finding something significant.

A bulldozer equipped with a sharp blade prepared the site by clearing away surface soil. Then the crew marked the ground into precise meter squares (about a yard wide) by inserting stakes, creating a grid for pinpointing exactly which spot might later yield a discovery. Patiently, workers dug with sharp, flat shovels inside the squares, scooping out about four inches of dirt, then sifting the soil through a screen stretched across a wood frame suspended from saplings. Dirt could pass through the quarter-inch mesh, but most stone artifacts would remain on the screen.

They labored methodically, square by square, without any startling results. Then they repeated the cycle, starting at the first square and digging down four more inches in a tedious procedure that Figure 28: Plan View Map of Sara's Ridge (40.5 KB).couldn't be rushed. Finally, between two and three feet below the surface, darkened circles in the soil appeared.

The discolorations would have gone unnoticed by most because postmolds are often only faintly perceptible from surrounding soil. Even trained eyes may overlook the stains if a hot sun hits the soil surface because the heat and exposure can quickly erase them from view. But fortunately, a recent rain had dampened the earth at Sara's Ridge and prevented the postmolds from vanishing before they could be mapped.

Analyzing their findings, the archeologists later speculated that most of the stains represented benches, drying racks for fish and meat, and baffles to block the wind. But the most exciting discovery was a distinct oval of postmolds about seven-and-a-half yards long and five-and-a-half yards wide. This had to be the outline of a shelter.

Figure 29: Excavations and Sifting  (36.2KB).They looked closely for any signs of clay daub to indicate that the dwelling had been coated with a mix of mud and grass, but found none. They concluded that the builders must have covered their home instead with animal skins, bark, or thatch, or perhaps a mixture of the three. Later, in the same general area, prehistoric people did smear their structures with an insulating and preserving mud blend.

There were so many postmolds along one side of the oval that researchers think that section of the house was repaired or rebuilt several times. Rebuilding is compatible with the theory that Sara's Ridge was reoccupied over the years, perhaps to take advantage of seasonally migrating fish. The river flowing nearby was shallow and only about 100 yards wide. This offered an ideal place to build a stone dam or a V-shaped stone weir for funneling fish into a small area so they could then be easily captured in nets or speared.

The Savannah was relatively unique among Southeastern rivers because of its use by migratory fish. In the years before dams blocked their way, the fish swam in the Savannah's waters far inland, deep into the Piedmont, providing a reliable, annual catch in a season when other resources were somewhat scarce.

Marine fish such as shad began their return to inland spawning sites in early spring, perhaps alerted to start by a change in ocean temperature. Thousands of them struggled against the river currents, throwing themselves over rock falls, compelled by some irresistible, internal drive. If they survived this endurance test during which they ate nothing for up to four months, females laid as many as 365,000 eggs apiece near where they themselves were spawned. The males then fertilized the eggs, which floated downstream.

Fewer than one percent of the eggs produced hatchlings. These and surviving adult fish eventually swam back to the ocean where they stayed until the younger generation was eventually driven back to the river to fulfill its role in the cycle.

While intercepting the fish as they swam past the rocky shoals would have fed many on the levee called Sara's Ridge, capturing them in nets or weirs would have required many cooperative hands. The abundant signs of human habitation at the site suggest such a possibility, although a firm conclusion about the number of people who spent time there is impossible.

Undoubtedly, cooking was one of their major preoccupations. Two possible hearths existed within the oval shelter, along with several more hearths nearby. In the work area on the slope behind the house, evidence of 18 more hearths was uncovered. So many fires suggest that more than one dwelling existed, although there was no definitive sign of others.

Possibly the site was a seasonal gathering place for people who normally lived apart. Because there were no plant-processing tools uncovered, such as pitted rocks, the residents' purpose in choosing the spot perhaps was quite specific-to fish, hunt, or both. While they might have used wood tools to prepare plants, the wood would have disintegrated, leaving no trace. Probably, however, stone tools were preferred. Stone tools, apparently used for processing plants, were found at another site nearby.

Remnants of ancient maypop seeds and hickory and walnut shells did appear at Sara's Ridge mixed in with the soil of the Late Archaic period, so the inhabitants may well have eaten those foods. The maypop is a vine that produces a sweet, yellow fruit from an exquisite purple and white blossom popularly known as the passion flower. Traces of pollen from ragweed, often an indication of cleared land, were also found at the site.

An examination of Late Archaic tools at Sara's Ridge disclosed they were made of chert, quartz, and metamorphic rocks. The metamorphic rocks came from at least 25 miles to the south, perhaps even farther. Most major sources of the stone are north of Augusta, Georgia, more than a 50-mile trip for the people of Sara's Ridge if the stone wasn't obtained through trade.

Soapstone slabs with holes drilled in them found at the site, coupled with others from a nearby excavation at Paris Island South, provided new information about the possible function of these artifacts. Previously, most archeologists had assumed these perforated rock slabs were "netsinkers" used, as their name implies, for weighing down fishing nets. But their frequent discovery near hearths at Sara's Ridge and Paris Island South suggests instead that they served as boiling stones.

Map 6: Paris Island South (127KB).Like Sara's Ridge, the Late Archaic site at Paris Island South was located on a levee overlooking the Savannah River. The excavation there, organized by Dean Wood and Dan Elliott, indicated that housing was probably once located on the crest of the levee, but any signs of a structure had been washed away from the island. Left intact, however, was an area for making stone tools located on the slope beneath the crest. This work area was conveniently close to probable dwellings but enough removed from the main living area to protect bare feet from sharp rock. The accumulation of stone debris there was much heavier than at Sara's Ridge.

Refuse of all kinds, which archeologists call midden, was once so plentiful at Paris Island South that as it decomposed it stained the earth a faint black, in some spots up to 16 inches thick. The discoloration, although welcome proof of human existence, interfered with the process of locating storage and cooking pits and postmolds. However, a few posts had been driven deep enough beneath the stained soil to confirm the probable location of drying racks or other sorts of frames. The postmolds appeared near charcoal and fire-cracked rock, indicative of hearths.

This prehistoric garbage dump, stretching over 16 yards long and more than six yards wide, yielded as many as 760 flaked stone tools, including spearpoints and knives. The huge volume and variety of artifacts were pivotal because they revealed that people along the river were now staying longer in one place. Paris Island South was either a year-round residence or at least a semi-permanent home for a family or small extended family.

Also on the island, a category of stone tool surfaced that hadn't appeared at sites in the area from earlier periods. Called a mano, the flat stone, somewhat smaller than an adult hand, was used for grinding and crushing seeds and other plant edibles. Four manos were found-two intact, two broken. They were all rubbed smooth on both sides from frequent use.

Two pitted stones were also unearthed. Seven pits in one of these stones imply extensive use, perhaps for cracking nuts. There were also three hammerstones.

Other artifacts prompt an intriguing notion that the islanders may have engaged in a cottage industry of sorts, producing the curious perforated soapstone slabs for trading. Paris Island South is not far from a soapstone outcrop just across the river in Elbert County, Georgia, making the raw material readily available. Among the persuasive discoveries favoring the idea of prehistoric commerce was a profusion of these artifacts which were previously considered to be netsinkers. Piecing 424 scattered fragments together in a technique called cross-mending, researchers ended up with 46 complete perforated slabs. Less than half-an-inch thick, they averaged about six-and-a-half inches long and about four inches wide. The slabs were mostly shaped into rectangles or pentagons. Smooth surfaces were predominant, but several had thin lines or small notches etched in the surfaces, perhaps for decoration.

More findings in support of a possible manufacturing center were 23 stone drills that were once attached to wooden handles. The drill points matched the sizes of holes in the slabs. There were also some partially drilled slabs and a grinding stone used to shape the slabs, along with many stone scrapers, once attached to handles, used to smooth the soapstone.

There was probably a receptive market for the prepared slabs. Studies by Dan Elliott and Kenneth Sassaman have shown that people living farther away from soapstone sources tried to salvage broken perforated slabs by drilling new holes in them, indicating they valued the artifacts. But Paris Island South residents apparently never bothered to redrill holes, maybe because more soapstone was so easy to get.

Other illustrations of stone working on the island displayed the first hint in the Russell studies of another, distinctively human trait-the desire to ornament the body. A highly polished stone bead of reddish brown was found, as well as two smooth, small slabs of stone, possibly pendants or gaming pieces.

Still more artifacts, stone cobbles with abraded edges, suggest use in forming wood tools. Also found were stone abraders with grooves which were used to sharpen bone, antlers, or wood into points for use as fish-hooks, chisels, awls, and spearpoints.

Unlike Sara's Ridge, where artifacts were made of metavolcanics and chert, most of those found at Paris Island South were formed from quartz, probably because the residents didn't travel far for materials. Of the tools not made from quartz, one percent-mostly crude cleavers used for chopping and stone flakes for scraping-were of a poor-quality chert. The chert probably came from bluffs that formed one side of the island and overlooked the river not far from the campsite. Pieces of chert were also available in the river bed.

Not far from Paris Island South, another site was explored. Called Rocky River, its name comes from the adjacent river, a tributary of the Savannah. The site dates between 2970 and 2990 B.C., the same approximate time of occupation as the site at Sara's Ridge. Paris Island South was apparently used a century or two later, between 2700 and 2900 B.C.

Figure 31: Grooved Stone Abraders.The Rocky River excavation, located about a half mile from the Savannah River in Abbeville County, South Carolina, featured an expansive stone working area on the back slope of a slight ridge. This work place was also part of a thick prehistoric garbage dump or midden, a strong sign of extensive human use.

Researchers Charles Cantley and Andrea Lee Novick found that all stages of spearpoint production took place at Rocky River. Interestingly, however, larger flakes from the beginning stages of spearpoint manufacturing showed up mainly on the outskirts of the midden. Perhaps toolmakers periodically swept their primary work area clean.

The presence of heavy bone deposits were detected through soil chemical analysis by Joseph Schuldenrein, the project geoarcheologist. Late Archaic people left animal and fish bones, stripped of their flesh, to decay until only the chemical residue remained. Tests also detected considerable phosphate, suggesting they deliberately cleared trees and burned them to attract wildlife, especially deer, and to promote growth of the leafy plants with many seeds that the inhabitants ate in quantity.

Figure 32: Stone Drills.Like Sara's Ridge, Rocky River was a likely place for people who normally lived apart to gather to hunt or fish. The river adjacent to the site is usually shallow, and there is a band of igneous rocks spanning the water. This forms a natural weir useful for catching fish. Not many such ideal spots for catching migrating fish existed in this general area, which may have encouraged scattered groups to camp at Rocky River and cooperate. Too, such gatherings would have had the added bonus of renewing ties among normally isolated people, who Figure 33: Plan View Map of the Rocky River Excavations (53.8KB).could exchange information while they caught and prepared fish.

For the first time, a stronger chain of command would have been required because expanded food-gathering tasks required a more complex organization than the former egalitarianism, and likely fostered the beginnings of tribal control. These societies probably had various leaders, each with different status.

In the 1970's archeologists Albert Goodyear and John House theorized that Late Archaic people tended to spend most of the year in basecamps near the river and less time in the nearby uplands, a view largely substantiated by research connected with the Russell studies. Scientists now recognize a number of site types for the Late Archaic period, denoting a society grown more complex. These site types, in part from a model developed by Dean Wood and Dan Elliott, include:

  • Basecamps, including Paris Island South near the Savannah River, where people lived all or most of the year;
  • Seasonal camps along the river, like Sara's Ridge and Rocky River, where usually dispersed people pooled resources to get food;
  • Quarries where task forces collected rocks. Three soapstone quarries were found in the Russell area not far from Paris Island South and Rocky River;
  • Quarry workshops where the first steps in shaping rocks were taken. Archeologists found such a work area within 200 yards of one of the soapstone quarries;
  • Transitory camps in the uplands and along the river for specialized uses such as fall deer hunting or walnut and hickory nut collection. Some of these camps were repeatedly used by hunting task forces or even entire families.

Figure 34: A Natural Rock Weir for Catching Fish (38.2KB).Before the Russell studies, there was little evidence to suggest that people of this era had established major settlements in the interior of Georgia and South Carolina like those found at Sara's Ridge, Paris Island South, and Rocky River. Excavations of those sites also surprised experts in another way. The people who once lived there did not depend on shellfish like those who came after them and lived farther south along the Savannah River.

Maybe those within the Russell area influenced others farther south in their decision to stay for longer periods along the Savannah River, a shift destined to have dramatic consequences. On Stallings Island near Augusta, Georgia, and at neighboring places, prehistoric people were about to make a discovery that would change life throughout much of the eastern United States.


Chapter 6: A Leap Forward

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