2Breedlove co-authored several studies with land use planner Richard Stenmark in which the name Kenai Fjords appeared. See Memorandum "Delineation of Kenai Fjords," 9 May 1977 on file in the Kenai Fjords National Park Headquarters library, Seward, Alaska (KEFJ).
4In a memorandum to park files, Follows justified the spelling of fjords, "The history of whaling ships and commercial fishermen of Scandinavian descent moving along the Kenai Coast in the last century and still in this one relates to the heritage of those who use the general spelling and scientific spelling of 'fjord'." See Follows memorandum dated 15 April 1978, 2, to Geography files for general interest. Subject heading reads "Use of geologic terms in new area planning and legislation." See also Memorandum, 9 May 1977, to Chief, Professional Services, from Keyman, Harding Icefield Kenai Fjords National Monument (HIKF), Subject: Delineation of the Kenai Fjords, on file at KEFJ.
7Nanwalek is a variation of the Suquestan name meaning, "place with a lagoon." In the late 1780s the summer village site fell under the shadow of the Russian fort Alexandrovsk. Seemingly by error, in 1909 the USGS assigned the original Russian name for neighboring village Port Graham, "Bukh[ta] Anglitskaya" translated English Bay, to Nanwalek. To resolve the misunderstanding, and reclaim the identity of their village, the Village Council requested an official name change from English Bay to Nanwalek in 1992.
8M. D. Teben'kov, Atlas of the Northwest Coasts of America from Bering Strait to Cape Corrientes and the Aleutian Islands with Several Sheets on the Northwest Coast of Asia, 1852 (Kingston, Ontario, The Limestone Press, 1981), 6. The 1852 atlas was engraved and printed in Sitka and bound in St. Petersburg.
16These places are peripheral to the study area but represent the extent to which Native cultural affected and influenced current place names in the park. For an additional reference see Rice, Changes in the Harding Icefield, 25.
21See Rice, Changes in the Harding Icefield Kenai Peninsula, Alaska, for a more detailed discussion on the recession of Kenai Peninsula glaciers. In Grant and Higgins, Coastal Glaciers of Prince William Sound and Kenai Peninsula, the authors remarked that the Northwestern Glacier was visible from the sea, probably meaning the Gulf of Alaska. Their map indicated that the glacier extended to the head of Harris Bay; Northwestern Lagoon was formed after the early 1900s.
32Patrick M. Quinn, Northwestern University Archivist, furnished this information to Ms. Cook on 27 May 1992. The Northwestern University Archives houses the Ulysses Sherman Grant Papers. These papers include materials relating to Grant's summer work with the USGS in Alaska.
41Gawrila Sarytschew, Account of a Voyage of Discovery to the North-East of Siberia, The Frozen Ocean, and North-East Sea, Vol. II, Translated from the Russian (London, Richard Phillips, 1807), 20-21.
7Carl Heinrich Merck, Siberia and Northwestern America 1788-1792, The Journal of Carl Heinrich Merck, translated by Fritz Jaensch, Materials for the Study of Alaska History, No. 17, edited by Richard A. Pierce (Kingston, Ontario, The Limestone Press, 1980), 111.
9Ferdinand P. Wrangell, Russian America: Statistical and Ethnographic Information on the Russian Possessions on the Northwest Coast of America, translated from the German edition of 1839 by Mary Sadouski, edited by Richard A. Pierce (Kingston, The Limestone Press, 1980), 59.
11Albert Gallatin, "A Synopsis of the Indian Tribes within the United States East of the Rocky Mountains, and in the British and Russian Possessions in North America," in Archaeologia Americana, Transactions and Collections of the American Antiquarian Society 2 (1836), 14.
12Ivan Petroff, "The Limit of the Innuit Tribes on the Alaska Coast," 571. This suggests that Petroff believed the outer coast inhabitants were strongly influenced by the inhabitants of Kodiak Island, where there are no trees on the western portion.
14Harold Hassen, The Effect of European and American Contact on the Chugach Eskimo of Prince William Sound, Alaska, 1741-1930 (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, 1978), 46.
26William Dall, "Southeastern Innuit," in Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs (1875), 204. Some of the Interior Department studies defined "Prince William Sound" so broadly that the region extended from the southern end of the Kenai Peninsula to Yakutat.
41Captain Nathaniel Portlock, Voyage Round the World; But More Particularly to the North-west Coast of America (New York, Da Capo Press, 1968), 253; as quoted by Hassen in The Effect of European and American Contact on the Chugach Eskimo of Prince William Sound, Alaska, 1741-1930, 33.
42James R. Marcotte, "Physiographic Aspects of the Chugach Eskimo Settlement Pattern," paper prepared for The Second Conference on Scientific Research in the National Parks, 26-30 November 1979, San Francisco, p. 2.
50Although this Russian word may conveniently correspond with the name of Yalik village, it is questionable and even unlikely that the Russians named it. The present spelling of Yalik is probably a variation of an earlier Alutiiq name for the village.
58P. A. Tikhmenev, A History of the Russian American Company, translated and edited by Richard A. Pierce and Alton Donnelly, Vol. II (Seattle, University of Washington Press, 1978), 70, in letter from Baranov to Shelikov and Polevoi, from Paul's Harbor, 20 May 1795.
73Zakahar Tchitchinoff, Adventures of Zakahar Tchitchinoff: An Employee of the Russian American Company, 1802-1878, in journal as dictated to Ivan Petroff, Kodiak, 1878 (unpublished mss., Bancroft Library), 30.
1 The exact site of Fort Voskresenskii is unclear. Sarychev's 1826 map plotted it on the northwestern shore of Resurrection Bay. Now the site of the City of Seward, this area of the coastline has changed. In the late 1980s the Resurrection Bay Historical Society, in Seward, initiated a major inquiry into the history of the shipyard. A file cabinet in the society's museum contains the paper trail of this research, including bibliographies and correspondence with Russian archivists.
2In May 1778, Cook arrived in Sandwich Sound [Prince William Sound] and then sailed west along the Kenai Peninsula to Cook Inlet. Cook surveyed the inlet in hopes of finding the Northwest Passage between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans.
7 Nathaniel Portlock, A Voyage to the Northwest Coast of America (London, 1789), 108. The term kennel coal, a version of "cannel" coal, is a play on the word candle. Candle coal produced a bright flame.
13Heddington's fellow illustrators were Henry Humphreys, Master of the Chatham in 1794 and John Sykes, Midshipman and Master's Mate. Lieutenant Commander A. C. F. David prepared an annotated list of drawings from this voyage as a result of the Hakluyt Society's 1984 edition of Vancouver's surveys.
18Pierce, Russian America: A Bibliographical Dictionary, 415. See also P. A. Tikhmenev, A History of the Russian American Company, Vol. 2, 35 for other accounts of parties led by Egor Purtov in vicinity of Chugach Bay and along the coastline; for an account of this expedition, see pp. 46-52.
19The Russian hunters obtained their supplies at Fort Voskresenskii from Ensign Rodionov. This encounter is found in a report from company employees Egor Purtov and Demid Kulikalov, to Baranov, from Paul's Harbor, Kodiak, 9 August 1794, in Tikhmenev, A History of The Russian American Company, Vol. 2, 46.
22Stuart R. Tompkins, "After Bering: Mapping the North Pacific," The British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. 19 (1955), 29. See also pp. 46-47 in Shelikhov, A Voyage to America 1783-1786, for descriptions of reconnaissance voyages during this period between Kodiak Island and Prince William Sound.
29H. H. Bancroft described the fort at English Bay in his History of Alaska, 1730-1885 (San Francisco: A. L. Bancroft and Company, 1886), 335, in this fashion: "The Shelikof Company already possessed, near the entrance of the inlet, a fort named Alexandrovsk, which had a more pretentious appearance. It formed a square with poorly built bastions at two corners, and displayed the imperial arms over the entrance, which was protected by two guns. Within were dwelling and store houses, one of them provided with a sentry-box on the roof."
35This description is based primarily on the research of Katerina S. Wessels, NPS. Ms. Wessels generously provided a copy of her article, "Fortified Structures of the Russian American Company." To support the image of an armed fort, see Richard A. Pierce, ed., Documents on the History of the Russian-American Company, translated by Marina Ramsay (Kingston, Ontario, The Limestone Press, 1976), 22, which stated that "the company supplies all these fortifications with cannons."
41F. P. Wrangell, Russian America: Statistical and Ethnographical Information, 9. There is some confusion or general disagreement in many secondary sources on the type of wood used in Russian shipbuilding. Because in some sources the trees were called English spruce, many assume the Russians used Sitka spruce in the vicinity of Resurrection Bay. There is also mention of the use of yellow cedar, which would have been a very hard and durable wood for shipbuilding.
43Like many sites throughout the Chugach area, the exact location of Greek Island remains a mystery. Pierce, Russian America: A Biographical Dictionary, 1990, speculated that Baranov's Greek Island was Hinchinbrook Island in Prince William Sound. Fort Constantine at Nuchek was located on Hinchinbrook Island. Others have concluded that Baranov referred to Montague Island as Greek Island. In a set of longitude and latitude coordinates for Fort Voskresenskii, Golovnin plotted the shipyard slightly west of Montague but considerably south of Green Island. Teben'kov made the same association between the two islands. Petroff (pp. 79-80) noted the remains of felled trees on Montague Island.
63Madam Shelikhov wrote these comments to Count Zubov, Adjutant-General, General-Feldtseikhmeister and representative of the Empress in Crimea, in November 1795. See Tikhmenev, A History of the Russian American Company, 87.
64Lydia T. Black and Dominique Desson, Early Russian Contact, Alaska Historical Commission Studies in History No. 191 (Anchorage, the Commission, 1986), 20. The Phoenix was the first ship built in Alaska, but it was probably not the first ship built on the Pacific coast of North America. In 1790, John Meares mentioned a ship called the Northwest American built in Nootka Sound.
66In letter from Baranov to Malakhov, Foreman of the Crew at Kenai Bay, 11 June 1800, in Tikhmenev, A History of the Russian American Company, 105. Wosnesenski Island is south of the Alaska Peninsula, near the present town of King Cove.
6929 April 1805, "Advice from Main Office to A. A. Baranov regarding the dispatch of three vessels to America ... St. Petersburg," in Pierce, ed., Documents on the History of the Russian-American Company, item 16, 165.
75Fedorova, The Russian Population in Alaska and California: Late 18th Century - 1867, 145. Fedorova referred to a "Supreme Command of 2 April 1835 which permitted former employees of the Russian-American Company with families to remain in the colonies permanently and to establish special settlements."
79Golovin, Survey of Russian Colonies in North America, in Congressional Papers, 40th Congress, 2nd Session, Executive Document 177, 111. Another definition of odinochka meant a place with no original native settlement, but where a hunter now lives with several kaiurs or Native workers; see Davydov, Two Voyages to Russian America, 114.
82Pierce mentioned both a Danilo Vasil'evich Kalinin and a Mikhail Kalianin or Kalinin in his Biographical Dictionary. Teben'kov provided no first names; based on Pierce's summary, however, D. V. Kalinin would have been the only one capable of conducting such a survey.
96Report of Bishop Innokenty to the Holy Ruling Synod, #103, April, 22, 1842, in Russian Orthodox Church Records, University of Alaska Anchorage (UAA) Archives. The villages researched include the Kenai Peninsula and Chugach areas and included Aleksandrovsk, English Bay, Gronaia Ekspeditsiia, Knik, Ninilchik, Seldovia, Susitna, and Tyonek.
103Russian sources placed the mining settlement on English Bay in Kenai Bay. The 1860 Russian-American Company Report stated that Aleksandrovskaia, the single-man post that "used to be two miles away from the coal mines in Kenai Bay was abolished." Fedorova maintained the settlement began in the mid-1840s. See Fedorova, 146.
104As of April 1859, the Russian-American Company reported on the following buildings at the mine: chapel, house for the expedition head, house for the commander of the garrison, 2 houses for the head miners, office, apartment for a doctor and a clerk, 2 warehouses, bakery and kitchen, blacksmith shop, sawmill, steam machine, and 9 small worker houses including stables, cattle-yard, barn, and bath. Translated by Katerina S. Wessels from the Rossiisko-Amerikanskaia Kompaniia - otchet, 1860, at the Bancroft Library.
106Ivan Petroff recorded this narrative as told to him by Mr. Tchitchinoff in Kodiak in August 1878. Petroff wrote that "[h]e spoke partly from memory and partly from notes and journals kept by him at various times in rather a primitive style. I took his narration down in shorthand and subsequently arranged it chronologically." From the journal entitled Adventures of Zakahar Tchitchinoff: An Employee of the Russian American Company 1802-1878, at the Bancroft Library.
108William H. Dall, "Report on Coal and Lignite of Alaska," in the Seventeenth Annual Report of the USGS, 1895-96, Part I (Washington, D.C., 1896), 786, as quoted from DeArmond, Mining in Cook Inlet, DeArmond Papers, AHL.
15Petroff, Report on the Population, Industries, and Resources of Alaska, 27. Petroff stated that sea otter hunting grounds existed on the eastern side of Nuchek Island. These hunting grounds supported "two large trading-stores on that island."
19Joan B. Townsend, Journals of Nineteenth Century Russian Priests to the Tanaina, 28. Townsend makes the connection between the villages of Yalick or Yalik and Aychmilick [Akhmylik]. The Russian Orthodox Church Records first introduced the name of Akhmylik, and it later appears in the Alaska Commercial Company Records alongside the name for the company store in "Yaleck." By the 1880s the name Akhmylik disappears from the records, while Yalik remains. Concurrent references to a village at the site by Petroff use the name of Yalik, as does Porter in the 1890 census. These are broad conclusions based on this information, but they provide one explanation for the overlapping of names.
22Joan B. Townsend, "The Tanaina of Southwestern Alaska: An Historical Synopsis," Western Canadian Journal of Anthropology: Athabascan Studies, 1:1 (1970): 12. See also DeArmond, Fur Trails to Cook Inlet, 15.
31These locations are based on information compiled by Ronald T. Stanek in Patterns of Wild Resource Use in English Bay and Port Graham, Alaska (Alaska Department of Fish and Game, 1985), 55. Much of Stanek's study references personal communications with Port Graham and English Bay residents Walter Meganack and John Tanape. Stanek reported that "January and February were spent during the 1880s in hunting and trapping camps in Nuka, Yalik, and Aialik Bays." Also, John Tanape stated that "Some men traveled in skin kayaks to the Seward area where they met Seward area residents, some of whom were relatives, and hunted and trapped together during the winter months." Although Stanek provided no time period for when these trips occurred, the text implies that this activity took place in the late 1800s and early 1900s.
38James C. Hornaday, editor, The Native, Russian and American Experiences of the Kenai Area of Alaska (Proceedings of Conference on Kenai Area History, Alaska Humanities Forum, November 7-8, 1974), 60.
45It is speculation that Petroff actually traveled to Yalik. He may have simply traveled as far as Alexandrovsk and relied on informants there for an estimate of the population. Many factors may have contributed to the number of residents, the primary factors being the time of year and whether local hunters were present.
47 Frank Lowell, Logbook 1890, Records of the Bureau of the Census, RG 29, National Archives, Washington, D.C. Lowell's notes were very detailed for villages on Cook Inlet, but his description of English Bay was incomplete. Therefore, it is impossible to deduce from his logbook if the population of English Bay had changed significantly from 1880. (Lowell may have taken the census when residents from other villages were visiting.)
52Lewis G. MacDonald, compiler, "Chronological History of Salmon Canneries in Central Alaska," in the 1951 Annual Report of the Alaska Fisheries Board and Alaska Department of Fisheries, Report #3 (1951), 72-74.
54John N. Cobb, "Pacific Salmon Fisheries," Appendix XIII of the Report of the Commissioner of Fisheries, 1930, 4th ed. (Washington, GPO, 1930), 453, and MacDonald, Chronological History of Salmon Canneries, 25.
8Mary J. Barry, Seward, Alaska; A History of the Gateway City, Vol. II: 1914-1923, The Railroad Construction Years (Anchorage, the author, 1993), 19-20, 27. (Hereafter referred to as "Barry, Seward History, II.")
13n.a., "Log Book of Twelve Yukon Steamers on Trip from Seattle, Wash. to St. Michaels, Alaska, Built by Moran Bros. Company," The Sea Chest - Journal of Puget Sound Maritime Historical Society 23 (1989), 28; also in John F. Moran Collection, Seattle Museum of History and Industry.
14Donald S. Follows, "The Role of Nuka Island in a Kenai Fjords National Park Proposal," unpub. mss., December 12, 1977, 12; Joel Moss interview, March 7, 1997; Clem Tillion interview, April 2, 1997; David Spencer interview, April 3, 1997; Josephine Sather, "The Island," Alaska Sportsman 12 (July 1946), 43.
16Frank Norris, Gawking at the Midnight Sun; The Tourist in Early Alaska (Anchorage, Alaska Historical Commission, June 1985), 36; Mary J. Barry, History of Seward, Alaska; A History of the Gateway City, Vol. III: 1924-1993, Growth, Tragedy, Recovery, Adaptation (Anchorage, the author, 1995), 92. (Hereafter referred to as "Barry, Seward History, III.")
25Seward Gateway, July 25, 1929, 7; April 18, 1932, 6; June 3, 1933, 4; May 9, 1935, 8. Local miners relied on Sather for mail delivery, inasmuch as Nuka Bay never supported a post office. Melvin Ricks, Directory of Alaska Postmasters and Postoffices (Ketchikan, Tongass Publishing, 1965). Sather had several boats called the Rolfh (often spelled Rolf, Rolfe, or Rolph). During the same period, however, another captain operated a halibut boat called the Rolf. Seward Gateway, June 2, 1927, 8. Most authors have stated that all of his boats had the same name, but in 1929 he owned a schooner called the Nuka. Seward Gateway, July 8, 1929, 6.
26Seward Gateway, April 9, 1932, 2; April 20, 1935, 1; April 25, 1935, 1; Barry, Seward History, III, 98-99; National Resources Planning Board, Alaska Office, "City of Seward, Survey of Conditions and Suggestions for a Public Improvement Program," unpub. mss., May 1942, 3, in "Seward-Programming" file, Box 26, RG 187 (National Resources Planning Board), NARA ANC.
29U.S. Department of Commerce and Labor, Report of the Superintendent of the Coast and Geodetic Survey (Washington, GPO, 1907), 15, 178-79; Log of the McArthur (Box 2024), August 1906; Ship's Records (Series 102), RG 23 (Coast and Geodetic Survey), National Archives, DC; Seward Weekly Gateway, October 20, 1906, 1.
31In December 1923, for example, Alaska Delegate Dan Sutherland submitted a bill to "erect and maintain a lighthouse and fog signal" at "Harding Entrance to Resurrection Bay, Alaska." The bill would have authorized $100,000 for construction costs. The Superintendent of Lighthouses, however, estimated that "somewhere near $200,000" would be needed. Congress blanched at such a figure and instead opted for acetylene lights, which cost less than $2,000 to install. Also see Brown (below) and Seward Gateway for June 25, 1923, 2, and July 30, 1929, 1, 5.
35U.S. Lighthouse Service, Local Light List, Washington to Alaska (Washington, GPO), various years, 1920-1938; U.S. Coast Guard, Light List, Volume III: Pacific Coast and Pacific Islands (Washington, GPO), various years, 1940-1988; U.S. Coast and Geodetic Survey, United States Coast Pilot, Alaska; Part II, Yakutat Bay to Arctic Ocean, 1st through 5th editions (1916-1947); U.S. Coast and Geodetic Survey, United States Coast Pilot 9, Alaska, Cape Spencer to Arctic Ocean, 6th through 13th editions (1954-1987).
36Executive Order 3406, February 3, 1921; EO 4223, May 11, 1925; Public Land Order 3881, November 22, 1965; PLO 4335, June 4, 1968. The BLM bowed to the wishes of the State of Alaska, which was selecting lands for its statehood allotment.
39Petticoat Gazette, August 31, 1961, 1-2. Other known shipwreck fatalities concerned William G. Weaver and Benjamin F. Sweazey, whose overturned boat was found near Bear Glacier in October 1917; the Tom and Al, which sank with all hands aboard off Cape Aialik in October 1924; and a shipwreck-related fatality in Aialik Bay due to the Good Friday Earthquake of 1964. Barry, Seward History, II, 84, 192; Evert E. Tornfelt and Michael Burwell, Shipwrecks of the Alaskan Shelf and Shore (Anchorage, Minerals Management Service, 1992), T2-36, T3-22, and T4-21.
40Sather himself was shipwrecked at least once, in February 1934, as noted in Barry, Seward History, III, 97. Other mishaps are noted in the Seward Gateway for May 19, 1927, 3; July 13, 1927, 1; and April 8, 1929, 1.
41Robert N. DeArmond, "Gold on Cook Inlet," unpub. mss., p. 14, at AHL; Lt. H. G. Learnard, "A Trip from Portage Bay to Turnagain Arm and Up the Sushitna," in Report on Explorations in Alaska (Washington, GPO, 1899), 650-51.
47Seward Gateway, February 6, 1922, 1. During the fall of 1919, citizens had made their first request for a road in that area when they petitioned the ARC for a 2-1/4-mile road that would have headed northwest from the Seward-Kenai Lake road toward the Resurrection River mining district (see Chapter 7). The ARC turned down that request on financial grounds, noting that "we are unable to maintain in passable condition all roads we now have constructed." W. H. Waugh to H. A. MacPherson [sic], in McPherson Road File (13/44), Box 21, Bureau of Public Roads Program Planning and Research Correspondence, RG 30 (Alaska Road Commission), NARA ANC.
49Barry, Seward History, II, 136; vol. III, 253; ARC, Report to the Board for 1924, p. 117; 1925, p. 89; and 1926, p. 77; National Resources Planning Board, "City of Seward, Survey of Conditions," 26.
52Barry, Seward History, III, 190, 203, 206, 215, 253; ARC, Summary of Activities, 1946, 9; ARC, Annual Report for Fiscal Year 1947, 7; ARC, Annual Report, 1948, 7; ARC, Report of Operations of the Alaska Road Commission for the Fiscal Years 1949, 1950 and 1951, 6, 10-11, 14, 19, 32.
58Kenai Peninsula Borough, Comprehensive Plan, Goals and Objectives, 1973-1974, 16, 19; Alaska Planning Group, Proposed Harding Icefield-Kenai Fjords National Monument, Alaska, Final Environmental Statement (Washington, NPS, 1975), 98-99.
59Hawley Sterling to Mr. Griffin, November 28, 1933, in "SP-1 Seldovia-Nuka Bay" file, Box 36, Program Planning and Research Correspondence, Petitions and Surveys, 1894-1959, RG 30 (Bureau of Public Roads), NARA Anchorage.
63Max Heifner interview, December 16, 1996; Georgeanne Lewis Reynolds, An Archeological Reconnaissance of the West Side of the Resurrection River Valley, Kenai Fjords National Park, 1983 (Anchorage, NPS, 1987), 47, 55; Bob White interview, December 17, 1996; Kerry Martin interview, December 17, 1996.
64BLM, Power Site Classification #436, August 29, 1955; F. A. Johnson, "Waterpower Resources of the Bradley River Basin, Kenai Peninsula, Alaska," USGS Water-Supply Paper 1610-A (Washington, GPO, 1961), 2-3.
65U.S. Congress, Hydroelectric Requirements and Resources in Alaska; Hearings Before the Subcommittee on Irrigation and Reclamation of the Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs, U.S. Senate, 86th Congress, 2nd Session (Washington, GPO, 1961), vii, x, xvii, 5-6, 13-14, 16, 202.
66Flood Control Act of 1962 (76 Stat. 1193), October 23, 1962; PLO 3953, March 15, 1966; PLO 4056, July 18, 1966; Alaska Power Administration, Water Power Aspects of the National Conservation System Study Areas Under Section 17(d)(2) of the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act, July 1973, B-21, B-22.
69Geological Survey Order, Power Site Classification 403, March 29, 1950; n.a., "Areas of Conflict, Questions & Answers on Kenai Fjords," c. 1977, in KEFJ Keyman Files, NPS Collection, NARA Anchorage.
70U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, "Cook Inlet Annual Report" for 1958 (pp. 43-45) and 1959 (p. 1) in Box 9, Fisheries District Annual Reports, ca. 1925-56, BCF/NMFS (RG 370), NARA ANC; Mike Tetreau to Norris, email, May 29, 1998.
1In 1992, the residents of English Bay voted to change the village's name to Nanwalek. In this study, the former name will be used, except in reference to activities that took place after the name change.
2Ronald T. Stanek, Patterns of Wild Resource Use in English Bay and Port Graham, Alaska, (Anchorage, Alaska Department of Fish and Game Division of Subsistence Technical Paper No. 104, 1985), 54-57, 70. Stanek interviewed two elderly men (Joe Tanape and Walter Meganeck) who "described going to hunting camps in the Port Dick, and Windy Bay and Nuka Bay areas in 1917 and the 1920s."
4Josephine Sather, "Our Glorious World," Alaska Sportsman 12 (October 1946), 41-43. Christopher Wooley, in a historical overview of the region (Final Report of the Exxon Cultural Resource Program, unpub. mss., c. 1992, p. 82), notes that the traps implied evidence of "intensive trapping in the area, probably during the mid-to-late 1800s."
10In 1994, the NPS contracted for an anthropologist, Mike Galganaitas, to conduct ethnographic recordings of Native use in the park among Port Graham and English Bay residents. That study was not completed; in its stead, the NPS threw its support behind the continuing efforts of Ron Stanek, a subsistence specialist with the Alaska Department of Fish and Game, who has long been involved with researching the ethnographic history of the Port Graham and English Bay areas. Some of his earlier research had been summarized in Patterns of Wild Resource Use in English Bay and Port Graham, Alaska, (Anchorage, Alaska Department of Fish and Game Division of Subsistence Technical Paper No. 104), 1985. More recent research of his has been exhibited in Ethnographic Overview and Assessment for Port Graham and Nanwalek, a multi-volume effort currently being prepared for the National Park Service.
11Lone Janson, Those Alaska Blues; a Fox Tale, Alaska Historical Commission Studies in History 168 (Anchorage, the Commission, 1985), 1:2. As Frank G. Ashbrook and Ernest P. Walker noted in "Blue Fox Farming in Alaska," U.S. Department of Agriculture Department Bulletin No. 1350 (Washington, October 1925), page 3, "the blue fox is a color phase of the Arctic or white fox." The white fox's "normal winter coat is white, while the summer pelage is brown and tawny," but the blue fox is "dark bluish in winter and tends toward brownish in summer." Because the dark bluish color commanded the highest prices, harvesting normally took place in November or December. Janet R. Klein, "Farming for Fur; Alaska's Fox Farming Industry," Alaska Journal 16 (1986), 105; Sather, "Our Glorious World," 36.
14Janet Klein, A History of Kachemak Bay, Alaska Historical Commission Studies in History 53 (Anchorage, the Commission, 1982), 59; U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Annual Report of the Governor of Alaska (Washington, GPO, 1900), 40.
15Janet Clemens, "Fur Farming," unpub. mss., Alaska Office of History and Archaeology, c. 1989, 2, 4; William Wagner, "Blue Fox Industry of Prince William Sound," Pathfinder of Alaska 3 (May 1922), 1; Ashbrook and Walker, "Blue Fox Farming in Alaska," 20; Seward Gateway, February 10, 1923, 4; Robert N. DeArmond, "Fur Trails to Cook Inlet," unpub. mss., n.d., p. 64, AHL.
16U.S. Congress, "Report of the Special Agent for the Protection of the Alaska Salmon Fisheries," U.S. Senate Hearing, June 24, 1900 (56th Congress, 1st Session, Document 153), 57; Janson, Those Alaska Blues, 7:4-5; U.S. Congress, Annual Report of the Department of the Interior, 1903, 282.
17Barry, Seward History, I, 27-28; U.S. Congress, Annual Report of the Department of the Interior; Report of the Secretary of the Interior, Report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, 58th Congress, 2nd Session, House of Representative Document No. 5 (Washington, GPO, 1903), 283. One or both of these operations had facilities at Sunny Cove; in March 1919, Rockwell Kent visited the site, where he found "the moldering ruins of an old feed house for the foxes, gruesome with the staring bones of devoured carcasses." Kent, Wilderness, 206, inside cover maps.
20Klein, A History of Kachemak Bay, 57, 59; U.S. Bureau of Biological Survey, "Island Blue Fox Ranchers of Alaska, Stocked January 1, 1923," unpub. mss., June 1923, 4, AHL; Alaska Game Commission, "Fur Farmers of Alaska Holding Licenses Under the Alaska Game Law for the Year Ending June 30, 1941," in "Fur Farming" folder, KEFJ HRS Collection; Seward Gateway, May 11, 1927, 6.
21R. L. Polk & Co., Alaska-Yukon Business Directory, 1917-18, 866; R. L. Polk & Co., Alaska-Yukon Gazetteer, 1923-24, 554-55; Seward Gateway, June 11, 1923, 2; Capra, "Pets and Paradise," 10; James C. Haggerty, et.al., The 1990 Exxon Cultural Resource Program; Site Protection and Maritime Cultural Ecology in Prince William Sound and the Gulf of Alaska (Anchorage, Exxon Shipping Co. and Exxon Co., Alaska, 1991), 287-290; The Pathfinder of Alaska 1 (May 1920), 16.
22Ed Tuerck, who was also known as Tom Hunter (perhaps because of the anti-German sentiment that prevailed during and after World War I), was Josephine's second husband. Born Josephine Maier, she and her first husband, Balthauser Angerman, had emigrated from Europe to Massachusetts in 1911. Soon afterward the couple moved to Kennicott, Alaska. Their marriage was annulled in November 1915. Barry, Seward History, II, 75.
23Josephine Sather, "The Island," Alaska Sportsman 12 (July 1946), 7; Valdez Miner, February 1, 1919, 7. Cordova was not the only Alaska town swept with successful fur-farming stories during the early 1920s. In 1920, it was widely reported that a Prince William Sound fox farm "sold ten pair of foxes for $6,000 to the Japanese syndicate on Green Island," and a year later, a farmer near Petersburg sold a pair of blue foxes for $3600. The Pathfinder of Alaska 1 (February 1920), 24; Alfred M. Bailey, "Notes on Game Conditions in Alaska," unpub. mss., 1921, 16, in "Fur Farming" folder, KEFJ HRS Collection, NARA ANC.
24Sather, "The Island," 7, 8, 43. Josephine called the embayment near their residence Home Harbor, but in more recent years it has become known as Herring Pete's Cove. McMahan and Holmes, "Report," 16, 34-35.
25Sather, "The Island," 8; J. David McMahan and Charles E. Holmes, Report of Archaeological and Historical Investigations at Nuka Island and the Adjacent Kenai Peninsula, Gulf of Alaska, [Alaska] Office of History and Archaeology Report Number 5 (January 1987), 34. Josephine's statement that La Touche had the nearest communications facility appears to be in error, inasmuch as Seward had a telegraph office at that time. McMahan and Holmes (p.15) note that Tuerck and Dustin "requested and received a 10 year lease" from the Juneau GLO office, and cite Mrs. Sather as a reference; Sather's 1946 articles, however, do not mention such a lease.
26Sather, "The Island," 11, 42; McMahan and Holmes, "Report of Archaeological and Historical Investigations," 34. As noted in the February 6, 1923 issue of the Seward Gateway, additional construction may have taken place at the fox farm in 1923.
32Sather, "The Island," 44. Pete Sather was born Peter Petersen (other accounts say his surname may have been Peterson or Pederson) in Norway on or about May 29, 1895. Seward Gateway, May 31, 1933, 2. He immigrated to the U.S., probably in the summer of 1920, and began fishing for herring in Kachemak Bay. (The date 1920 is approximate. It is known that he immigrated because of the local herring trade, which began booming in 1918, but his name was not recorded in the 1920 U.S. Census for Alaska. By 1922, however, he was well known in the area, and he owned his own boat.) The cannery where he worked already had several men named Petersen on the payroll, so he took the name of his birthplace, Seter (the first vowel of which is pronounced as a long "a"). A cannery clerk inadvertently added the "h" and his surname was Sather from then on. Seattle Times, November 1, 1959, 2; repeated in the Petticoat Gazette, October 22, 1964, 2. Research with guidebooks and a Norwegian resident has revealed that although there are at least five Norwegian communities called "Seter" or "Saeter," he probably came from the Säterdal (also known as the Sæterdal and now known as Setesdalen), a valley that extends north from the port of Kristiansand. Karl Baedeker, Norway, Sweden and Denmark with Excursions to Iceland and Spitzbergen (Leipzig, the author, 1912), 171; Gunnar Berg and Mette Berg, Naf Veibok (Oslo, Norway, Norges Automobil-Forbund, 1982), 18, 29, 36, 51, 54, 58, 59; Forlaget Det Beste, Norge Sett Fra Luften (Oslo, the author, 1980), 159; Rune Bjornsen to author, email, July 8, 1997.
33Seward Gateway, May 6, 1924, 2. Page 3 of the Gateway's May 7 issue noted that "Peter Sather and bride left Seward yesterday on the gasboat Rolph [sic] for their home near Nuka Bay, where he will conduct a fox farm."
34Petticoat Gazette, October 22, 1964, 1-2. As Elsa Pedersen notes in "I Remember Herring Pete," Alaska 40 (July 1974), 28, he reportedly earned his nickname during the early 1920s when he fell overboard into a purse seine full of herring.
35By this time, Dustin had sold Mooney a one-sixteenth share of the business. U.S. General Land Office, "Conditional Bill of Sale, Charles Dustin and Robert Mooney to Mrs. Peter Sather," June 21, 1926, Record Book 9, pp. 301-02, Seward Magistrate's Office.
36U.S. General Land Office, "Lease of Lands for Fur Farming Under the Act of July 3, 1926," March 1, 1928, in Record Book 10, pp. 131-34, Seward Magistrate's Office. Prior to 1926, fur farmers had no legal right to use their land. As Ashbrook and Walker noted in USDA Bulletin No. 1350, published in 1925 (pp. 6-7), that there was "no legal authority existing for leasing or granting title to these [GLO] lands.... Many islands of this class are occupied for fur farming under the belief that those in possession will have their occupancy recognized should Congress pass the necessary law authorizing the issuance of leases or permits for them."
38McMahan and Holmes, "Report," 34-48; Sather, "The Birds and the Bears," 18; Sather, "Our Glorious World," Alaska Sportsman 12 (October, 1946), 34. The cabin noted on the east side of Nuka Island on the U.S. Geological Survey's "Seldovia B-2" 1:63,360 Quadrangle (1951) was probably a feeding house for foxes; park employee Bud Rice (December 18, 1997 interview) unsuccessfully searched for the cabin during the mid-1980s.
39Klein, "Farming for Fur," 104; Sheila T. Evans, "An Historical View of Selected Alaskan Natural Resources," Alaska Historical Commission Studies in History No. 48 (Anchorage, the Commission, February 1981), 75-76. Most of Alaska's furs were sold in London; as a fox farmer observed in 1922, "It is apparent that the American ladies do not yet appreciate the beauty of the blue fox. [Many wear] the cheaper fox furs and several the more expensive silver or black fox, but very few blue fox furs were observed.... This is quite the reverse in the European cities, and particularly so in London and Paris." William Wagner, "Blue Fox Industry of Prince William Sound," The Pathfinder 3 (May 1922), 2.
42U.S. Coast and Geodetic Survey, United States Coast Pilot, Alaska, Part II; Yakutat Bay to Arctic Ocean, fifth edition (Washington, GPO, 1947), 143; U.S. Coast and Geodetic Survey, United States Coast Pilot 9, Pacific and Arctic Coasts, Alaska, Cape Spencer to Beaufort Sea, sixth edition (Washington, GPO, 1954), 149. Bill Miller, a U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service stream guard, worked at both Nuka Island and Beauty Bay during the summer of 1956. During a March 24, 1997 interview, he noted that the fox farm was abandoned by the time he worked there.
44In 1958, Fish and Wildlife Service stream guards noted the presence of Nuka Island foxes in the agency's annual report; see John B. Skerry, "Cook Inlet Annual Report, 1958," p. 116, in Box 9, Fisheries District Annual Reports, ca. 1925-56, BCF/NMFS (RG 370), NARA ANC. Also see Klein, "Farming for Fur," 104; Kay Barker, "Voluntary Exile," Alaska Sportsman 5 (November 1939), 8.
46Pedersen, "I Remember Herring Pete," 53; Seattle Times, November 1, 1959, 2. At least one source also noted that she lived at the Sitka Pioneers' Home for awhile; records at the Home, however, give no indication that she ever lived there.
47Barry, Seward History, II, 77-78; Petticoat Gazette, October 22, 1964, 1-2. Ellmau (also referred to as Ellamar) is located in the Tyrolean Alps, approximately 50 miles east of Innsbruck and 10 miles from the German frontier.
48Kristel Nelson, "'Herring Pete' Sather, An Alaskan Fishing Legend," unpub. mss., 1994, in Swetmann Report file, Seward Public Library; Marge Tillion interview, April 9, 1997; Case files AA 114 and A 056797, Bureau of Land Management, Alaska State Office, Anchorage. The Johnsons appear to have begun living on the island in March 1962.
49McMahan and Holmes, "Report," 18, 44. The Sathers' 30-year-old fur farm lease expired on December 23, 1959. Just six weeks later, on February 1, 1960, a Willow, Alaska resident named Shirley W. Towne applied for a new Nuka Island fur farm lease. Ms. Towne, however, does not appear to have settled on the island, and her lease expired in May 1962. Inasmuch as her BLM case file (A 51147) has been destroyed, no other details of her case are known.
51BLM case file AA 114; Marge Tillion interview, April 9, 1997. The Sathers' residence was occupied in 1981 by Will and Marge Tillion and their children, but they were forced to vacate the premises in November 1984. The island was officially conveyed to the state in October 1989.
53BLM, Historical Index sheets for T1N, R1W, SM, at BLM, Alaska State Office, Anchorage. Frank G. Carpenter, the author of Alaska, Our Northern Wonderland (Garden City, Doubleday, 1923) was thus incorrect in his statement (on p. 254) that "For ten miles up the valley of Resurrection River, men have taken up homesteads."
54Catherine Holder Spude, et.al., Father Turnell's Trash Pit, Klondike Gold Rush National Historical Park, Alaska; Archeological Investigations in Skagway, Alaska, Volume 4 (Denver, NPS, August 1993), 90-99.
58Rockwell Kent, who lived on Renard Island during the winter of 1918-1919, noted that an Englishman named Hogg lived "on the west side of Resurrection Bay south of Seward." It is unknown if, at that time, he was manufacturing liquor. Kent, Wilderness, 27, 183, 195.
59Sather, "Our Glorious World," 38-39; Sather, "The Island," 43. One of the two buildings was doubtless located in Mike's Bay. Dave McMahan and Charles Holmes, on page 16 of their 1987 Nuka Island report, stated that Mike's Bay was the location of the first (30' x 36') building.
60Bart Stanton, interview by Linda Cook, July 13, 1992; John Paulsteiner, Seward, Alaska; the Sinful Town on Resurrection Bay (n.p., the author, 1975), 18; Donald H. Richter, "Geology and Lode-Gold Deposits of the Nuka Bay Area, Kenai Peninsula, Alaska," USGS Professional Paper 625-B (1970), B3.
62Longtime resident John Paulsteiner, author of Seward, Alaska; the Sinful Town on Resurrection Bay (page 32) disagrees with this account; he noted that Evans "shot himself at Nuka Bay. He had incurable cancer."
63Sather, "Our Glorious World," pp. 20, 40. The exact location of Evans' cabin is uncertain. Based on the photograph on page 20, it was most likely on the northern side of McCarty Lagoon, where remains of a largely-disintegrated cabin have been located. Less likely, it was at the north end of James Lagoon. A 1953 USGS map, which was based on a 1951 aerial photograph, identified a cabin at this location. Nothing, however, remains of the James Lagoon cabin, which may have been a casualty of the 1964 earthquake and tidal wave.
66Casefiles A 034821 and A 050530, BLM Alaska State Office. Seward Shea, in a March 7, 1997 interview, noted that the March 1964 earthquake "took out" the cabin that Younker had built. There are no standing permanent structures currently on the parcel.
67Casefiles A 049836 and A 058875, BLM Alaska State Office. The R&PP withdrawal, made on July 28, 1961, was one of more than fifty the agency made that day. (Another withdrawal within the present-day park, of 80 acres, was made on the east side of Aialik Bay.) The BLM evidently hoped to lease or sell the two parcels for specific public purposes. But no further action took place at either site, and in January 1969 both withdrawals were terminated.
69Casefiles AA 1081, AA 2070, AA 2950, BLM Alaska State Office. No other private, individual land claims have been patented within the park except for the Dodge and Hart claims, as noted above. Just southwest of the park, between Petrof Lake and Nuka Passage, the State of Alaska held a land lottery in the fall of 1984. Sixty five-acre homesites were offered for sale in the lottery, but during the next five years only three parties had constructed cabins, and only one family lived in the area on a full-time basis. Bruce Davies interview, January 29, 1997.
70Donald G. Calkins, Kenneth W. Pitcher and Karl Schneider, "Distribution and Abundance of Marine Mammals in the Gulf of Alaska," (Anchorage, ADF&G Div. of Game, July 31, 1975), p. 54 and maps HS-6 and HS-7; Edgar P. Bailey, "Breeding Seabird Distribution and Abundance Along the South Side of the Kenai Peninsula, Alaska," National Park Service/Fish and Wildlife Service, December 1976, at ARLIS.
71"Hair seal" is a generic term that includes the harbor or spotted seal (Phoca vitulina), ringed seal (Pusa hispida), bearded seal (Erignathus barbatus), and ribbon seal (Histriphoca fascita). Harbor seals are found along thousands of miles of coast from southeastern Alaska to Bristol Bay. Ringed and bearded seals are found primarily in northwestern Alaska, and ribbon seals are uncommon in Alaskan waters. "Seal Biology and Harvest Studies" for July-December 1963, p. 44, in "Game Harvest/Misc." binder, ADF&G Library.
73Seward Gateway, November 25, 1925, 6; June 4, 1927, 6; Frank W. Hynes (Regional Director, U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, Juneau) to Clarence Cottam (Chief, Div. Of Wildlife Research, F&WS), March 6, 1946, in "Hair Seals, 1945 to -" file, Director's Correspondence, 1944-79, Box 19, RG 370, NARA ANC.
79Al Burch interview, April 2, 1997; Bill Younker, "The Scalp Hunters," Alaska Sportsman 22 (August 1956), 18-19; Barry, Seward History, III, 272; Casefile A 050530, BLM Alaska State Office; Seward Shea interview, March 7, 1997; Richard Bishop interview, March 25, 1997.
87Hosea R. Sarber to Ralph H. Imler, October 22, 1946, in "Hair Seals, 1945 to -" file, Director's Correspondence, 1944-79, Box 19, RG 370, NARA ANC; Lensink, "Predator Control with the Bounty System," 97.
91The value of furs during this period can be ascertained from a 1956 price list offered by Louis Steiner, who was the "largest raw hair seal buyer from the Seattle Fur Exchange and other sources...." For dry, stretched spotted hair seals, with fair to good coloration, Steiner paid $7 to $10 for large and extra large pelts, $4 to $6 for medium pelts, and $3 to $5 for small pelts. Steiner to Commissioner, U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, April 19, 1963, in "Hair Seals, 1945 to -" file, Director's Correspondence, 1944-79, Box 19, RG 370, NARA ANC.
94Donald G. Calkins, Kenneth W. Pitcher and Karl Schneider, "Distribution and Abundance of Marine Mammals in the Gulf of Alaska" (ADF&G Div. of Game, July 31, 1975), 55; Alaska Sportsman, June 1967, 40. The 649 seals taken at Aialik Bay in 1964 was actually a decrease from the "almost 800" seals that Pete Kesselring and Bill Younker (as noted above) had harvested there in 1955.
95Al Burch interview, April 2, 1997; Richard Bishop interview, March 25, 1997; David Spencer interview, April 3, 1997; Tom Schroeder interview, April 18, 1997; M. Woodbridge Williams, "Kenai Fjords: Treasure Unveiled," National Parks and Conservation Magazine 51 (September, 1977), 5.
97Richard Bishop interview, March 25, 1997; Al Burch interview; R. L. Polk & Co., Polk's Greater Anchorage Area City Directory, 1967 (Kansas City, Mo., the author, 1968), 14, 493; Alaska Sportsman, June 1967, 40.
100Legislative Reporting Service, Fifth Alaska State Legislature, First Session (1967) Digest (Juneau, the author, 1967), 42-43; Alaska Sportsman, June 1967, 40. The specific area in which bounties were retained included inland and coastal waters west of 159° W. or north of 69° N., but not south of 58° N. The only area retaining the bounty, therefore, was the western and northern Alaska coastline, all the way from Cape Constantine (on the northern side of Bristol Bay) north and east to the Alaska-Yukon border on the Beaufort Sea.
101Alaska Sportsman, June 1967, 40; Alaska Magazine, July 1972, 35; ADF&G, "Annual Report of Survey & Inventory Activities, Part II: Caribou, Brown Bear, Sheep, Furbearers, Marine Mammals, Bison, Goat, Wolf & Black Bear," editions of June 1970, p. 75 (for 1969 harvest); 1971, p. 107 (for 1970); 1973, p. 128 (for 1971); and 1974, p. 257 (for 1972 harvest).
102Edward Klinkhart, "Hair Seals," 1966, 20; Klinkhart, "Harbor Seals," 1967, abstract page; Klinkhart, "Harbor Seals," 1968, 9; in "Marine Mammals" binder, ADF&G Library; Carl Divinyi, "Harbor Seal Survey," Alaska Fish Tales and Game Trails #26 (September-October 1971), 17.
103ADF&G, "Annual Report of Survey & Inventory Activities, Part II: Caribou, Brown Bear, Sheep, Furbearers, Marine Mammals, Bison, Goat, Wolf and Black Bear," 1974, 257; "Hair Seals, 1945 to -" file, in Director's Correspondence, 1944-79, Box 19, RG 370, NARA ANC.
105Robert J. Wolfe and Craig Mishler, "The Subsistence Harvest of Harbor Sea and Sea Lion by Alaska Natives in 1993," Technical Paper #233, Part I (Juneau, ADF&G Division of Subsistence, July 1994), 22; Wolfe and Mishler, "The Subsistence Harvest ... in 1992," 94-95.
107Briton Cooper Bush, The War Against the Seals; a History of the North American Seal Fishery (Kingston, Ont., McGill-Queen's University Press, 1985), 204; John N. Cobb, The Commercial Fisheries of Alaska in 1905, Bureau of Fisheries Document 603 (Washington, GPO), 34; E. Lester Jones, Bureau of Fisheries, Report of Alaska Investigations in 1914 (Washington, GPO, 1915), 114; Seward Chamber of Commerce, Meeting Minutes, February 16, 1916, in Brown and Hawkins Collection, UAF.
109U.S. Senate, Compilation of Federal Laws Relating to the Conservation and Development of Our Nation's Fish and Wildlife Resources, 89th Congress, 1st Session (Washington, GPO, 1965), 196; Arthur D. Little, Inc., Feasibility of a Commercial Sea Lion Operation in Alaska, Bureau of Indian Affairs study (n.p., the author, May 1964), 18; Fairbanks Daily News-Miner, April 2, 1934, 1.
111Chris Wooley, Final Report of the Exxon Cultural Resource Program (draft), unpub. mss., c. 1992, 104; Alan Courtright, "Game Harvests in Alaska" (Juneau, ADF&G, June 1968), 17-18; ADF&G, "Annual Report of Survey and Inventory Activities, Part II," reports for 1970, p. 76; 1971, pp. 103-04; 1973, pp. 130-31; and 1974, pp. 259-60.
113Robert J. Wolfe and Craig Mishler, "The Subsistence Harvest of Harbor Sea and Sea Lion by Alaska Natives in 1993," Technical Paper #233, Part I (Juneau, ADF&G Division of Subsistence, July 1994), 34; Wolfe and Mishler, "The Subsistence Harvest ... in 1992," 94-95; Interview with Kathy Crossit (ADF&G, Fairbanks), March 25, 1997
1Philip S. Smith, Mineral Resources of Alaska, 1932, USGS Bulletin 857 (Washington, GPO, 1934), 20; Philip S. Smith, Mineral Resources of Alaska, 1936, Bulletin 897 (Washington, GPO, 1938), 26: J. G. Shepard, "The Nuka Bay Mining District, Kenai Precinct," U.S. Bureau of Mines report MR 104-1 (September, 1925), 1, at ARLIS.
4Barry, Seward History, I, 22-23, 31; U. S. Grant, "The Southeastern Coast of Kenai Peninsula," in USGS Bulletin 587 (1915), 229; U. S. Grant and D. F. Higgins, Jr., Reconnaissance of the Geology and Mineral Resources of Prince William Sound, Alaska, USGS Bulletin 443 (Washington, GPO, 1910), map after p. 10.
7Annual Report of the Governor of Alaska for 1917 (p. 38) and 1919 (p. 16); G. C. Martin, "The Alaska Mining Industry in 1918," in G. C. Martin and others, Mineral Resources in Alaska, 1918, USGS Bulletin 712 (Washington, GPO, 1920), 34.
12Sheridan was a government lawyer, "Judge" Kuppler was the U.S. Commissioner in Seldovia, and Lee was a miner. Seward Weekly Gateway, November 10, 1906, 2; November 13, 1909, 4; October 29, 1910, 2. The deposits were discovered in 1909, inasmuch as that was the year that Kuppler moved from southeastern Alaska to "the [Cook] inlet country."
13Grant and Higgins, "Preliminary Report," in USGS Bulletin 442-D (1910), 176; U. S. Grant, "The Southeastern Coast of Kenai Peninsula," in Bulletin 587 (1915), 229-30. Former park employee Bud Rice suggests that local resident Bob Evans (see below) may have prospected the East Arm sites during the 1920s or 1930s.
15Martin, Mineral Resources in Alaska, 1918, USGS Bulletin 712, 34; Earl R. Pilgrim, "Nuka Bay District," in B. D. Stewart, Mining Investigations and Mine Inspection in Alaska..., Biennium Ending March 31, 1933 (Juneau, Territory of Alaska, 1933), 46.
17Robert C. Heath, "Nuka Bay Mining District," unpub. mss., May 1932, p. 1, in Skinner Collection, UAF. Heath noted that the discoverer was "a man by the name of Amesweller;" his description, however, fits that ascribed to Charles Emsweiler, one of the few in Seward who had a gas boat and knew the coastline. Heath incorrectly notes, however, that Emsweiler discovered the deposit that led to the Alaska Hills mine.
18Skeen moved from the Nome area to Seward in June 1905 and began prospecting immediately. Two years later, he and two partners located mining claims on Tonsina Creek, south of Seward. He also "struck it rich" due to a discovery along Falls Creek, near Lawing, which caused a 1923 reporter to note that "Mr. Skeen has made one fortune already out of his discoveries, and indications are that he has another at hand." Barry, Seward History, I, 22; Barry, History of Mining, 123; Seward Gateway, August 14, 1905, 1; June 4, 1921, 2; August 13, 1921, 1; August 27, 1923, 1. Searches of the Seward Gateway for the spring and summer of both 1919 and 1921 revealed no articles about prospecting activity along the park coastline.
21Seward Gateway, September 1, 1923, 6; September 10, 1923, 4; September 25, 1923, 1. It is not known why Case and Harrington's earlier discovery went unheralded while Skeen's find resulted in a rush. The Gateway's choice to publicize the 1923 find may have played a role. Another factor may have been that the earlier find took place during the World War I era, when the labor force was fully occupied, while in 1923, poor economic conditions and the recent completion of the Alaska Railroad resulted in a large available labor pool.
23Mary Barry, in Volume III of her Seward History (p. 207), describes a 1920s-era mine on Spruce Creek, south of Seward; Alaska Heritage Resources Survey form number SEL-210 describes a mine and cabin on Tonsina Bay, which dates from the 1920s or 1930s; a Seward Chamber of Commerce map drawn in late 1932 (in Box 1, Chamber of Commerce Collection, Seward Library) shows that George Beck had a mining claim at the north end of James Lagoon, on the west side of East Arm. Beck's claim is probably related to a cabin that was identified on the 1953 USGS topographic map of the area. (According to Bud Rice, a former park employee, the cabin is now gone, perhaps a victim of the 1964 earthquake. Only a postperhaps part of a dock or boat-anchoring deviceremains at the site.) The registry of mining claims in the Seward magistrate's office shows more than a hundred claims that were located in either Nuka or Aialik bays. Most of those claims, in all likelihood, were never developed.
25Philip S. Smith, Mineral Resources of Alaska, 1928, USGS Bulletin 813 (Washington, GPO, 1930), 17; Seward Gateway, June 1, 1929, 4; J. G. Shepard, "The Nuka Bay Mining District, Kenai Precinct," U.S. Bureau of Mines report MR 104-1 (September 1925), at ARLIS.
30Smith, Mineral Resources of Alaska, 1933, Bulletin 864-A, 22; Philip S. Smith, Mineral Resources of Alaska, 1934, Bulletin 868-A (Washington, GPO, 1936), 23; Earl Reisner to Axel Haigrinen, December 31, 1934, in Box 4, Chamber of Commerce Collection, Seward Public Library.
31Philip S. Smith, Mineral Resources of Alaska, 1937, USGS Bulletin 910-A (Washington, GPO, 1939), 29; Smith, Mineral Resources of Alaska, 1938, USGS Bulletin 917-A (Washington, GPO, 1939), 28; Smith, Mineral Resources of Alaska, 1939, USGS Bulletin 926-A (Washington, GPO, 1941), 25.
32Richter, Geology and Lode-Gold Deposits, USGS Professional Paper 625-B (1970), B3; Earl Reisner to Axel Haigrinen, December 31, 1934, in Box 4, Chamber of Commerce Collection, Seward City Library. The Nukalaska Mine was exceptional in that, during the 1936-1939 period, it kept a crew of 19 or 20 busy for six months each year. Prospectors who ran their own operations occasionally worked their mines all winter long. In addition, several operators during the first few years following Skeen's find worked an all-year schedule. See Seward Gateway, December 4, 1925, 8.
33Robert Heath, in 1932, noted that "exact data on the quantity produced are not available, for the operations have not been systematic, and few, if any, books have been kept by those in charge of the mines." Six years later, a government report stated that "It has not been considered advisable to publish the distribution of lode-gold production among these different areas, as to do so would reveal confidential information, and the available records are not detailed enough to afford an accurate basis for such separation." Heath, "The Nuka Bay District," 18; Smith, Mineral Resources of Alaska, 1938, 198-99.
35Based on the number of mines operating, production levels were probably highest during the 1931-34 period, but it is doubtful (based on admittedly sketchy data) that annual yields ever exceeded $20,000.
38Donald H. Richter, Geology and Lode-Gold Deposits, USGS Professional Paper 625-B (1970), B1, B3, B11; Barry, A History of Mining, 151; Martin W. Jasper, Property Examination Report, Surprise Mine, Alaska Exploration and Development Corporation, Gold-Quartz Property, Nuka Bay, Kenai Peninsula, Territory of Alaska, Department of Mines, Report PE 104-4 (April 1954), 3.
39Richter, Geology and Lode-Gold Deposits, 1970, B3; Max Heifner interview, December 16, 1996; Mining Claim Location Notices, July 4, 1968, in RPR files, AKSO; Alaska Planning Group, Harding Icefields-Kenai Fjords National Monument, Alaska; A Master Plan (December 1973), 13; NPS, General Management Plan, Kenai Fjords National Park (Denver, the author, July 1984), 33.
44Seward Gateway, August 25, 1923, 3; August 30, 1923, 4; September 10, 1923, 4; and September 29, 1923, 1. Newspapers referred to Barnett variously as E. W. Barrett, E. W. Bennett, and Earl Barnette.
45Harry H. Townsend, "Brief Narrative Report," U.S. Bureau of Mines Report IR-195-47, 4-5; Philip S. Smith, Mineral Resources of Alaska, 1924, USGS Bulletin 783 (Washington, GPO, 1926), 8; Seward Gateway, December 5, 1925, 9, Heath, "Nuka Bay Mining District," 11.
48Seward Gateway, November 27, 1925, 2; J. G. Shepard, "The Alaska Hills Mining Co., Nuka Bay," in The Nuka Bay Mining District, Kenai Precinct, U.S. Bureau of Mines, Report MR 104-1 (1925); Heath, "Nuka Bay Mining District," 11.
59J. C. Roehm, "Summary Report of Investigations in the Nuka Bay District, Kenai Precinct, July 18 to 28, 1941," U.S. Bureau of Mines, Report IR 104-2, pp. 7, 9. John Coffey and Dave Andrews were doubtless related to Jack Coffey and J. D. Andrews, active in mine operations in the 1920s; Jack and John Coffey may have been the same person.
60Donald Richter (Geology and Lode-Gold Deposits, p. 1) estimated that Alaska Hills produced gold between 1924 and 1931. Further research has shown, however, that the mine produced commercially from 1925 to 1928, in 1931, and from 1937 to 1941.
62Harry H. Townsend, "Brief Narrative Report," U.S. Bureau of Mines Report IR 195-47, 4; J. G. Shepard, "The Nuka Claims (Harrington)," in U.S. Bureau of Mines, Report MR 104-1 (1925); Seward Gateway, December 5, 1925, 9.
64Smith, Mineral Resources of Alaska, 1928, Bulletin 813, 17; Seward Gateway, June 24, 1929, 2; Seward Gateway, July 5, 1929, 4; Smith, Mineral Resources of Alaska, 1929, Bulletin 824, 21; Pilgrim, "Nuka Bay District," 1933, 48.
65Pilgrim, "Nuka Bay District," 1933, 48; Smith, Mineral Resources of Alaska, 1936, Bulletin 897, 30. A handmade map, drawn in late 1932 by a representative of the Seward Chamber of Commerce, noted the "C. M. Brosius" mine at the Nuka Bay Mining Company site; in addition, it noted the "Brosius Cache" about two miles south of the mine. This notation may have depicted the so-called lower camp, or it may be a feature not elsewhere identified. The map is located in Box 1, Seward Chamber of Commerce Collection, Seward Public Library.
67George A. Moerlein, "Mining Claim Appraisals, Proposed Harding Icefield-Kenai Fjords National Monument," Contract No. 8000-6-0038 (San Francisco, NPS, July 1976), 3, 9-10, in Logan Hovis files, AKSO-RCR.
70Smith, Mineral Resources of Alaska, 1936, Bulletin 897, 28. Pilgrim ignored the site and did not mention either Blair's or Hatcher's efforts. He did, however, note that "late in the season of 1931 two veins were discovered in Shelter Cove by Frank Skinner. These veins were said to lie 20 feet apart...." These veins were probably of little economic value and were unrelated to the Nukalaska property. Pilgrim, "Nuka Bay District," 1933, 50.
71Richter, Geology and Lode-Gold Deposits, 1970, B8; Smith, Mineral Resources of Alaska, 1933, Bulletin 864, 22; Seward Gateway, July 15, 1933, 2; May 11, 1935, 4; Deed Book 9, p. 349, Seward Magistrate's Office.
72Seward Gateway, April 13, 1935, 1; Smith, Mineral Resources of Alaska, 1936, Bulletin 897, 28. The mill's capacity was far larger than most of the Nuka Bay area mills, but it was somewhat smaller than that of the Alaska Hills mill. The road was apparently built entirely with private funds; available records show no involvement by the Alaska Road Commission.
76Smith, Mineral Resources of Alaska, 1936, Bulletin 897, 29; Mineral Resources of Alaska, 1937, Bulletin 910, 29; B. D. Stewart, Report of the Commissioner of Mines to the Governor for the Biennium ended December 31, 1936 (Juneau, n.p., 1937), 52.
78Smith, Mineral Resources of Alaska, 1937, Bulletin 910, 29. The company proposed an east tunnel "primarily on the strength of [geologist Stephen] Capps' statement as to continuation of the ore in depth." Capps had visited the site in August 1936. Roehm, "Summary Report of Investigations," 1941, Report IR 104-2, 5.
79Smith, Mineral Resources of Alaska, 1938, Bulletin 917, 28; Roehm, "Summary Report of Investigations," 1941, Report IR 104-2, 6; Hulda Hanson interview, April 2, 1997. Hanson recalled that Conley came from Salinas, not Los Angeles.
80Smith, Mineral Resources of Alaska, 1939, Bulletin 926, 25; B. D. Stewart, Report of the Commissioner of Mines to the Governor for the Biennium ended December 31, 1940 (Juneau, n.p., 1941), 85; Roehm, "Summary Report of Investigations," 1941, Report IR 104-2, 1.
88NPS, Kenai Fjords National Park, General Management Plan, 30, 60; Harvey M. Shields, "Historic Mining Site Evaluation in Kenai Fjords National Monument, 1983," in "ARO Site Files, KEFJ" folder, Mining Inventory Program Collection, AKSO-RCR.
89Logan Hovis and Mike Elder, "National Park Service, Mining Inventory and Monitoring Program, Cultural Resource Site Inventory Form," KEFJ-89-003, August 11, 1989, in SEL-177 folder, Mining Inventory Program Collection, AKSO-RCR.
90Frank Broderick and Cassie Flynn, "National Park Service, Mining Inventory and Monitoring Program, Cultural Resource Site Inventory Form," KEFJ-91-003, July 21, 1991, in SEL-177 folder, MIP Collection, AKSO-RCR.
97Barry Seward History, III, 299; Barry, A History of Mining, 151, 164, 169. The Alaska Department of Natural Resources, in its annual reports, noted (perhaps erroneously) that the new claimants were William Knaack and Cecil Kramer. Knaak, according to Barry, had been mining since the early 1930s; he had mined along Mills Creek (in the Canyon Creek drainage), on Stetson Creek (south of Cooper Landing), and at the Victor antimony mine on Kenai Lake. Alaska DNR, Report of the Division of Mines and Minerals for 1959 (p. 59), 1960 (p. 74), 1961 (p. 93), and 1962 (p. 106).
98There is some confusion about the property, regarding both the method of purchase and the names of the mining claim. Max Heifner, interviewed on December 16, 1996, stated that the mine was purchased in 1963 (not 1965) when a consortium of people from Ohio purchased the mining property and appointed an overseer to operate the mine. That arrangement, however, proved unsatisfactory, and before the year was out, he and Glass were in charge of the property. Regarding claim names, most sources note that the partners worked the Beauty Bay and the two Glass-Heifner claims. George Moerlein, however, investigated claim records and stated that the partners had five claims (the Little Beauty Nos. 1 through 5) and also claimed an associated millsite at the head of Beauty Bay. Moerlein, "Mining Claim Appraisals," July 1976, 2.
99Max Heifner interview, December 16, 1996. Richter, who visited in 1967, noted that "a privately maintained landing strip at the head of Beauty Bay is adequate for wheeled light aircraft." Richter, Geology and Lode-Gold Deposits, 1970, B1; also see Alaska Planning Group, Harding Icefield-Kenai Fjords National Monument, Alaska, A Master Plan, December 1973, 7.
100Barry, A History of Mining, 169; Richter, Geology and Lode-Gold Deposits, 1970, B8; Max Heifner interview, December 16, 1996; Seward City Council, Resolution #899, February 25, 1974. State regulatory reports noted that the operation was engaged in mill construction from 1965 through 1967 and supported a crew of eight throughout that period. The reports noted no further activity from the Glass-Heifner property. Alaska DNR, Report of the Division of Mines and Minerals for 1965 (p. 82), 1966 (p. 103), and 1967 (p. 83).
101Richter, Geology and Lode-Gold Deposits, 1970, B3; Seward City Council, Resolution #899, February 25, 1974; Moerlein, "Mining Claim Appraisals," July 1976, 2, 3, 8; Heifner interview, December 16, 1996. Moerlein noted that the $52,500 which Glass and Heifner paid for their claim "probably exceeds the gross value of the indicated gold on the property that could possibly be mined at a profit, a fact that the present owners may now realize..."
105Engineer Earl Pilgrim, who visited in the summer of 1931, made no note of Evans' activities, but a Chamber of Commerce map, drawn in late 1932, identifies his prospect. Sather, "Our Glorious World," 40-41.
108Sather, "The Birds and the Bears," 27. There is some confusion regarding who, in the Rosness family, worked at the mine. Earl Pilgrim, who visited the mine in 1931, wrote that Albert Rosness was one of three partners in the venture. A 1928 news article, however, discussed an injury to "John Rosness, Nuka Bay mining man," and in 1932, a Chamber of Commerce list of area "quartz properties" described the mine as "Alfred Rosness, North Arm." John Rosness and his family were longtime Seward residents; it is not known, however, whether the three Rosnesses just described were related to each other, whether all three worked at the mine, or even whether there were three different men named Albert, Alfred, and John Rosness. Seward Gateway, August 2, 1928, 8; Seward Chamber of Commerce, "Kenai Peninsula, Alaska Quartz Properties," in Box 4, Seward C of C Collection, Seward Library; Paulsteiner, Sinful Town, 99.
113Stephen Capps, who wrote about the site in 1936 based solely on Earl Pilgrim's information plus "reports of local persons who are familiar with this property," noted that the 20-foot tunnel was now 110 feet long. (This may, however, have been an error, inasmuch as the tunnel was 110 feet above sea level.) By 1967, when Richter visited the site, the tunnel in question had caved in. If Capps's assertion is in error, very little tunneling took place at the site after Pilgrim's July 1931 visit. Smith, Mineral Resources of Alaska, 1936, Bulletin 897, 32; Richter, Geology and Lode-Gold Deposits, 1970, B11.
115This surname, as noted in local news reports and geological investigations, has been variously spelled as Kasnek, Kasenek, and Kesnoff; his given name has been reported as Alex as well as Alec. See Seward Gateway, December 4, 1925; June 25, 1927; J. G. Shepard, "The Kasnek-Smith Prospect, Nuka Bay, Kenai Precinct" (Report MR 104-1), September 1925; Pilgrim, "Nuka Bay District," 1933, 40.
121Townsend, "Brief Narrative Report," U.S. Bureau of Mines Report IR-195-47, 6; J. G. Shepard, "The Hatcher Prospect, Nuka Bay, Kenai Precinct," (Report MR 104-1), September 1925; Seward Gateway, December 5, 1925, 29.
124Seward Chamber of Commerce, "Map of Nuka Bay Mining Properties," 1932, in Box 1; Seward Chamber of Commerce, "Kenai Peninsula, Alaska Quartz Properties," in Box 4; both in Seward C of C Collection, Seward Public Library.
127Seward Chamber of Commerce, "Kenai Peninsula, Alaska Quartz Properties," in Box 4, Seward C of C Collection, Seward Library; Richter, Geology and Lode-Gold Deposits, 1970, B3, B11; Moerlein, "Mining Claim Appraisals," July 1976, 4, 9, Pl. 6.
128Seward Gateway, September 29, 1923, 1; Record Book 8, p. 304, in Seward Magistrate's Office. John Paulsteiner notes on page 40 of Seward, Alaska, the Sinful Town on Resurrection Bay that Babcock, a Seward resident, also owned a liquor store. Mary Barry, however, fails to mention Babcock's store in her three-volume history.
136Smith, Mineral Resources of Alaska, 1931, Bulletin 844, 20; Earl Pilgrim, "Nuka Bay District," 1933, 31-34; Heath, "Nuka Bay Mining District," 1932, 2. Tecklenberg, a Seward pioneer, was a businessman and civic official who invested in a number of area mines. Paulsteiner, Sinful Town, 21-22; Barry, Seward History, II, 5, 9, 57, 99, 225; Barry, Seward History, III, 19.
141Barry, History of Mining, 152; Seward Gateway, April 19, 1932, 3. The accident may have prevented Downey from further mining efforts; no later references to the operation describe Downey as a physically involved participant.
142Stewart, Report of the Commissioner ... for the Biennium ended December 31, 1936, 47: B. D. Stewart, Report of the Commissioner of Mines to the Governor for the Biennium ended December 31, 1938 (Juneau, n.pub., 1939), 46. Also see Seward Gateway, May 16, 1935, 4.
144Jasper, Property Examination Report, Surprise Mine, Alaska Territorial Department of Mines, Report No. PE 104-4 (April 1954), 1, 5. Maps accompanying the report refer to the developing entity as the Alaska Development and Exploration Company.
149Harvey M. Shields, "Historic Mining Site Evaluation in Kenai Fjords National Monument," 1983; Bill Brown, letter to Dave Moore, etc., July 6, 1983; both in "ARO Site Files, KEFJ" folder, Mining Inventory Program, AKSO-RCR.
152Seward Chamber of Commerce, "Map of Nuka Bay Quartz Properties," in Box 1, C of C Collection; Seward C of C, "Kenai Peninsula, Alaska, Quartz Properties," in Box 4, C of C Collection; Seward Gateway, August 7, 1928, 5; July 21, 1933, 1.
155Seward Gateway, November 27, 1925, 2; June 25, 1927, 5; July 5, 1929, 4. Records pertaining to the pair give surnames of either Johnston or Johnson and either Deegan, Deigan or Degan. The second person in the partnership may have been the same man who, as noted in Chapter 6, had operated a Kenai Lake fox farm in 1914.
165Roehm, "Summary Report of Mining Investigations," 1940, 15; Roehm, "Summary Report of Investigations," 1941, 9-10. Goyne apparently remained at his claim throughout the winter of 1940-1941. Early in 1941, East Arm homesteader (and longtime friend) Bob Evans rowed over to see him. Evans died shortly after returning to his East Arm cabin. Sather, "Our Glorious World," 40.
167Richter, Geology and Lode-Gold Deposits, 1970, B12. Richter may have been incorrect in stating that the Golden Horn group was active after World War II; elsewhere in his discussion, he erroneously stated that "the property appears to have been idle" since 1934.
168Richter, Geology and Lode-Gold Deposits, 1970, B3; Roehm, "Summary Report of Investigations," 1941, 10. Richter, on page B11, noted that in addition to the two tunnels, exploration and development work consisted of "a number of pits and trenches that have traced a series of mineralized quartz veins in a granodiorite dike from the bay to the top of the mountain ridge about 1,000 feet above sea level."
174Townsend, "Brief Narrative Report," U.S. Bureau of Mines Report IR 195-47, 6; J. G. Shepard, "The Lang Prospect, Nuka Bay, Kenai Precinct," Alaska Department of Mines, Report MR 104-1, 1925; Seward Gateway, December 4, 1925, 8; June 6, 1927, 7. Townsend noted that the so-called Lang Prospect was "a quartz vein that outcrops at the beach on the west side of the North Arm, but his other descriptions appear consistent with the Lang Prospect on the West Arm.
175Pilgrim, "Nuka Bay District," 1933, 50-51. A third building, shown on Pilgrim's map, was located at "Lang's Beach," three-quarters of a mile south of the property and at the mouth of a small stream. Because the mining claim was located on a steep slope, Lang probably used "Lang's Beach" to transfer goods on and off boats.
177Smith, Mineral Resources of Alaska, 1936, Bulletin 897, 31; Richter, Geology and Lode-Gold Deposits, 1970, B13. The Seward Chamber of Commerce's map, drawn in late 1932, identified properties belonging to both Frank Lange [sic] and Gaylord Skinner. The map's geographical inexactness, however, and the lack of field investigation that preceded its creation suggest that the map may be in error.
180J. G. Shepard, "Blair Prospect, Nuka Bay, Kenai Precinct," Territorial Department of Mines, Report MR 104-1, September 1925; Seward Gateway, December 5, 1925, 48; Deed Book 7, p. 227 and Record Book 9, pp. 226-30, in Seward Magistrate's Office. Sather had previously been involved with the Rosness-Larson property on North Arm. Josephine Sather noted that after her husband and his partners located the Yalik Bay site, "we stripped our ledge for 1,500 feet and had it assayed every few feet to make sure it was the real thing before we really went to work on it." Sather, "The Birds and the Bears," 28.
187Seward Weekly Gateway, September 11, 1909, 4; September 25, 1909, 4; May 14, 1910, 1; August 20, 1910, 3; October 1, 1910, 2, 4; Martin, Johnson, and Grant, Geology and Mineral Resources of Kenai Peninsula, USGS Bulletin 587 (1915), 18, Pl. III.
192Record Book, Vol. 8, pp. 340-41, in State Recorder's Office, Seward; Barry, A History of Mining, 156; Smith, Mineral Resources of Alaska, 1924, Bulletin 783, 12; Seward Gateway, December 5, 1925, 22.
198Georgeanne Lewis Reynolds, An Archeological Reconnaissance of the West Side of the Resurrection River Valley, Kenai Fjords National Park, 1983, NPS Research/Resources Management Report AR-13 (Anchorage, NPS, October 1987), 52, 81-84.
204Bert Smith, Trapping Cabin Permits, issued September 14, 1939 and September 12, 1945, Public Use Permits file, Chugach National Forest office, Anchorage. Both permits apparently had a corresponding file, which was sent to the National Archives in 1968; these files and their contents, however, have since been destroyed.
205U.S. Forest Service, "Archeological Reconnaissance Report No. 84-30," February 14, 1985, in Chugach National Forest files, Anchorage; Patrick J. O'Leary interview, December 17, 1996. It is possible that the two cabins Smith used, and the two cabins that Beck identified in 1978, are one and the same. If true, the geographical descriptions provided on Smith's trapping permit forms are either in error or need to be liberally interpreted.
2Seward Weekly Gateway, August 17, 1907, 1; September 21, 1907, 1; November 2, 1907; February 1, 1908, 1; Executive Order 760, February 21, 1908, at Alaska State Office, Bureau of Land Management, Anchorage. Because of a clerical error in EO 760, Roosevelt revoked the order on March 23 and substituted EO 773. This withdrawal remained in effect until April 21, 1948, when Public Land Order 470 revoked it.
10Seward Gateway, July 17, 1923, 3; August 29, 1923, 2; Executive Order 4131, January 22, 1925. Rugged Island, which had a navigation light on it, was transferred from a War Department withdrawal to a Commerce Department withdrawal via Executive Order 4223, dated May 11, 1925. The Navy dock site, which was reserved in August 1919, was partially revoked by Executive Order 3828, dated May 3, 1923. The remainder, however, remained under nominal naval control until World War II.
12Seward Chamber of Commerce to Josephus Daniels (Secretary of the Navy), February 16, 1916, in Brown and Hawkins Collection, UAF: Barry, Seward History, II, 217, 220; Seward Gateway, September 5, 1916, 1.
13Jack Sinclair noted that for a brief period during the World War II, Seward had the busiest waterfront on the west coast of North America. Sinclair, "Turning the Forgotten into the Remembered: The Making of Caines Head State Recreation Area," in Fern Chandonnet, ed., Alaska at War, 1941-1945, the Forgotten War Remembered (Anchorage, Alaska at War Committee, 1995), 377.
14Erwin (Tee) Thompson to Bruce Kaye, KEFJ, August 24, 1985, in History Box B-C, KEFJ Library; Melody Webb, The Last Frontier; A History of the Yukon Basin of Canada and Alaska (Albuquerque, Univ. of New Mexico Press, 1985), 48-50.
26Executive Order 8877, August 29, 1941, at Alaska State Office, Bureau of Land Management, Anchorage. Wartime maps refer to Humpy Cove as Butts Bay. In addition to EO 8877, the military withdrew an additional 11,266 acres between Thumb Cove and the southern end of Resurrection Peninsula, via Public Land Order 77, on January 8, 1943. The only improvement that followed this withdrawal was the Chamberlain Point searchlight (see discussion below), plus the overland cable that connected Chamberlain Point with Topeka Point. On April 26, 1948, the land withdrawn in 1943 reverted to the public domain via Public Land Order 471.
29Barry, Seward History, III, 157; "Fort Raymond, Seward, A History," 4-7. Barry notes that the Caines Head site was named for John McGilvray, a Civil War veteran who had also commanded nearby Fort Kenay during the years immediately following the U.S. purchase of Russian America. The Rugged Island post was probably named for Charles Bulkley, a U.S. Army colonel who had played a major role in the 1865-68 Western Union Telegraph Expedition.
30"Fort Raymond, Seward, A History," 7-8; Barry, Seward History, III, 156; U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, "Harbor Defenses of Seward Alaska, As Constructed Drawing, Master Plan," May 14, 1945, in Aperture Cards, Set B (Box O), RG 77, NARA ANC.
34On the basis of Sinclair's conclusive evidence, it appears that Erwin Thompson's comment, "I doubt that the 6-inch guns were installed at either Caines Head or Rugged Island," was incorrect. Thompson to Kaye, August 24, 1985.
36"Harbor Defenses, Seward, AK" (WAA-W-TA-4) folder, in Real Property Disposal Case Files, 1944-49, Box 7 of 37, RD's office, AK Region (Anchorage), Region 37, RG 270 (War Assets Administration), NARA ANC; Public Land Order 445, February 3, 1948,
44U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, Aperture Cards, Set C (various), in "Box 3 of 3," RG 77, NARA ANC. Several aperture cards in the Outer Island set labeled "bombardment plane," "revetment," "hangar," and "camouflage" are in error; the drawings on the microfiche images make no reference to Outer Island.
45Ibid; Bush, Narrative Report of Alaska Construction, 218-20. Perhaps because of the site's remoteness, the military made no arrangements with the General Land Office to secure usage rights to the island.
1Tarleton H. Bean, "The Fishery Resources of Alaska," in U.S. Commission on Fish and Fisheries, The Fisheries and Fishery Industries of the United States, edited by George Brown Goode (Washington, GPO, 1887), Section III, pp. 92-93.
2Robert N. DeArmond, "The Cook Inlet Fishing Industry" , p. 6, in DeArmond Research Material file #11, Cook Inlet Fisheries, Box V-29, Record Group 03, Cook Inlet Case Records, 1960s-1970s, ASA; Lewis G. MacDonald, "Chronological History of Salmon Canneries in Central Alaska," in Alaska Fisheries Board and Alaska Department of Fisheries, Annual Report, 1951, 72. The Kasilof cannery, owned by a succession of interests, operated until 1922; the English Bay saltery operated only until 1885.
4MacDonald, "Chronological History of Salmon Canneries," 75-80. The English Bay cannery operated for only a short time (until 1925), but canneries at both Port Graham and Seldovia remained for more than a half-century. At Portlock, the fishing facilities were augmented by a small salmon cannery, which was constructed in 1928; two years later, the A. N. Nilson Company built a larger cannery, which remained until the late 1950s.
8The San Juan Fishing and Packing Co. was organized in Seattle in 1899. William and James Calvert and Edwin Ripley bought the Seattle Fish Co. that year, then renamed it. F. Heward Bell, The Pacific Halibut, the Resource and the Fishery (Anchorage, Alaska Northwest, 1981), 77.
10U.S. Bureau of Fisheries, Alaska Fishery and Fur-Seal Industries, 1917 through 1921 issues. In 1920, the San Juan plant maintained two Resurrection Bay traps, one located at Caines Head; a year later, it had just one trap.
11MacDonald, "Chronological History of Salmon Canneries," 76, 78; Barry, Seward History, II, 186-88; vol. III, 33. U.S. Fisheries Service reports note that the San Juan cannery continued to process a small quantity of salmon until 1931.
12Barry, Seward History, III, 32-33; Willis H. Rich and Edward M. Ball, Statistical Review of the Alaska Salmon Fisheries, Part II: Chignik to Resurrection Bay, Bureau of Fisheries Document 1102 (DC, GPO, 1931), 712.
13Barry, Seward History, III, 33; National Resources Planning Board, "City of Seward, Survey of Conditions and Suggestions for a Public Improvement Program," unpub. mss., May 1942, 2, 26, in "Seward-Programming" file, Box 26, RG 187, NARA ANC. The NRPB report's assessment of the bay's fishery resource was glum to an extreme; it noted that "the fishing in Resurrection Bay is extremely limited," and that "unfortunately, salmon are not plentiful in Resurrection Bay."
15n.a., Alaska Year Book (Seattle, Alaska Weekly, c. 1928), 64; U.S. Lighthouse Service, "Recommendation as to Aids to Navigation" for "Seward Boat Harbor, East Light, Alaska," July 31, 1931, in Records of the Lighthouse Service (District 16), 1910-1938, RG 23, NARA DC.
16Seward Gateway, June 6, 1933, 3; Henry Munson interview, April 2, 1997; National Resources Planning Board, "City of Seward, Survey of Conditions and Suggestions for a Public Improvement Program," unpub. mss., May 1942, 2, in "Seward-Programming" file, Box 26, RG 187, NARA ANC.
17Willis H. Rich and Edward M. Ball, Statistical Review of the Alaska Salmon Fisheries, Part II: Chignik to Resurrection Bay, Bureau of Fisheries Document 1102 (DC, GPO, 1931), 712; U.S. Bureau of Fisheries, "Central District [Prince William Sound] Annual Report," 1931, p. 95; "Annual Report," 1942, p. 26; both in Box 6, Annual Reports, Alaska Region, 1925-1966, RG 370, NARA ANC.
20Rearden, "Alaska's Salmon Fisheries," 69; Roy L. Cole, "Cook Inlet Management Report, 1939," p. 48, in Box 8, Fisheries District Annual Reports, ca. 1925-56, RG 370, NARA ANC; Harlan Unrau, Lake Clark National Park and Preserve, Historic Resource Study (Anchorage, NPS, 1994), 173; U.S. Bureau of Fisheries, "Cook Inlet Stream Improvement" files (for 1929, 1931, and 1939), in Boxes 14-17, Fisheries Research Data Files, 1904-1960, RG 22, NARA ANC.
23Josephine Sather moved to Nuka Island in 1921. Shortly after she sailed westward through "McCarty Pass" [McArthur Pass] that year, she noted that "against the mainland [northern] shore, thick and shadowy with timber coming right down to the water's edge, drift ice from McCarty Glacier ran with the strong tide." The face of McCarty Glacier, at that time, reached from James Lagoon to McCarty Lagoon, and present-day Desire and Delight lakes did not exist. Sather, "The Island," Alaska Sportsman 12 (July 1946), 9.
34The information about the 1935 activity was gained largely because a fisheries violation took place in Port Dick that year; a Petersburg-based boat was caught with a beach seine at a river mouth. The only other concern that Bureau of Fisheries personnel had in the area was the eradication of rainbow trout, inasmuch as trouta bounty fish during this periodwere considered to be destructive to salmon eggs.
36Cole, "Cook Inlet Annual Management Report," 1943, p. 19. It is a mystery why Thunder Bay, one of several small indentations in the coastline between Nuka and Two Arm bays, should have the only recorded area salmon harvest. Few if any salmon-producing streams flow into the bay. No other fisheries management documents written during the past half century have noted fisheries resources in Thunder Bay.
38In 1948, and again in 1949, government agents proposed regulations to revive the local fish population. Because the bay's fish run was fairly minor, however, they spent little time on the problem. No Fish and Wildlife Service agent, in fact, spent any appreciable time in the area until 1953, when an employee surveyed the entire watershed on foot and mapped the streams at the bay's northern end. Otto Koppen (USF&WS), "Central District Annual Report," 1947, 11, 81, in Box 6; Koppen, "Central District Annual Report," 1948, 91, in Box 7; both in Annual Reports, Alaska Region, 1925-1966, RG 370, NARA ANC; Alaska Fisheries Board and Alaska Department of Fisheries, Annual Report, 1949, 17; USF&WS, "Cook Inlet Management Report," 1953, 34.
41Black, "Cook Inlet Annual Report," 1948, 25; File 1306-07, (English Bay, 1938-1940 Census) in Bureau of Indian Affairs, Juneau Area Office, Village Census Rolls, 1935-1966, RG 75, NARA ANC; Stanek, Patterns of Wild Resource Use, 48.
46Barry, Seward History, II, 76: Kristel Nelson, "'Herring Pete' Sather, An Alaskan Early Legend," unpub. mss., Seward Public Library. Anchorage District Court files have no record of Sather's involvement in a court case.
47Ralph Hatch, whose residence in Seward precedes World War II, recalls that local fishermen during this period were Bill Bern, Dennis Thompson, Casey Cobban, and Henry "the Bear" Larson. (Bern and Larson, as noted above, had pioneered the harvest of specific park-area fish runs.) These men typically started their season fishing for reds in Resurrection Bay. They then went to Aialik Bay for reds, to Nuka Bay's East Arm for more reds, and finished up the season at Port Dick, where they fished for pinks and chums. All of these men had wooden boats, 28 feet long or longer; they had "no problem handling the open seas" in those craft. But Jim Branson, who worked as a Port Dick stream guard beginning in 1952, was oblivious to all the activity. He stated, matter-of-factly, that nobody fished east of Port Dick in those days, "and I'd like to think that I'd be the one to know about it if there was." Ralph Hatch interview, April 2, 1997; Jim Branson interview, April 2, 1997.
50USF&WS, "Cook Inlet Annual Management Report" for 1957, p. 3; Jim Rearden, Status of the Cook Inlet-Resurrection Bay Commercial Salmon Fishery, 1965, ADF&G Informational Leaflet 69, October 14, 1965, 19; Jim Rearden, "Alaska's Salmon Fisheries," Alaska Geographic 10 (1983), 79.
55While on Nuka Island, Miller lived just west of the Sather residence. (Seward Shea remembers that the fox shack where the guard lived "was in the same general area as the house.") The "humpy creek" that Miller guarded may have been the same creek (as noted above) where Pete Sather had allegedly created a salmon run, years earlier, as a result of his fish-cleaning activities. William Miller interview, March 24, 1997.
59Ibid., 1957, 103; W. B. "Buck" Stewart interview, March 7, 1997; Seward Shea interview, March 7, 1997. Another change during this period was administrative. In October 1957, the Commercial Fisheries Division of the newly-formed Alaska [Territorial] Department of Fish and Game added a District Biologist, based in Homer; the following year, it hired a fisheries biologist whose duties included Resurrection Bay. ADF&G, Annual Report for 1957 (p. 5) and 1958 (p. 64).
62Jim Rearden interview, February 24, 1997. During the 1960 and 1961 seasons, the Delight-Desire Creek area sported a fish-counting tower. As in other locations, guards laid screen and heavy fencing in the stream bottom to make the fish easier to see.
63Jim Rearden interview, February 24, 1997. Rearden, admittedly not an objective party, stated that the ADF&G withdrew the stream guards "because fishermen liked our management." Others, however, have mentioned that some fishers continued to violate the rules. The adoption of aerial surveying, moreover, lessened the stream guards' traditional role.
65Arthur Grantz, George Plafker, and Reuben Kachadoorian, Alaska's Good Friday Earthquake, March 27, 1964; A Preliminary Geologic Evaluation, USGS Circular 491 (Washington, GPO, 1964), 9; George Plafker, Tectonics of the March 27, 1964 Alaska Earthquake, U.S. Geological Survey Professional Paper 543-I (Washington, GPO, 1970), I-4; Doak C. Cox, "Introduction," in Committee on the Alaska Earthquake of the Division of Earth Sciences, National Research Council, The Great Alaska Earthquake of 1964; Oceanography and Coastal Engineering (Washington, National Academy of Sciences, 1972), 33, 39.
66Kirk W. Stanley, Effects of the Alaska Earthquake of March 27, 1964 on Shore Processes and Beach Morphology, USGS Professional Paper 543-J (Washington, GPO, 1968), J-1; Plafker, Tectonics of the March 27, 1964 Alaska Earthquake, I-9, I-10, I-58; Marge Tillion interview, April 9, 1997.
67The quake, surprisingly, had little or no effect on the location of the park's glacier termini. A USGS study noted that Northwestern Glacier had a "slight retreat" (of less than 50 meters) while the other park glaciers had only minor changes. Austin Post, Effects of the March 1964 Alaska Earthquake on Glaciers, USGS Professional Paper 544-D (1967), D-36.
68Cox, "Introduction," p. 33; Basil W. Wilson and Alf Tørum, "Runup Heights of the Major Tsunami on North American Coasts," in Committee on the Alaska Earthquake, The Great Alaska Earthquake of 1964, 161-62, 214; Jim Rearden interview, February 24, 1997; Grantz, Plafker, and Kachadoorian, Alaska's Good Friday Earthquake, 10-11. As George Plafker noted, the 1964 quake was by no means a unique seismic event in this area; other tremors centering in or near the park, with a magnitude of 4 or greater, took place in March 1963 and January 1954. Land on the southern Kenai Peninsula has been sinking for centuries; at least 300 feet of submergence has taken place. Plafker, Tectonics of the March 27, 1964 Alaska Earthquake, I-48, I-58, I-60.
80Seward Weekly Gateway, December 23, 1905, 2. Twenty years later, a more specific description of the Portlock Banks was provided. These banks, "reputed to the largest in the world," extended for 7,000 square miles in the 40-70 fathom range and for 10,000 square miles in the 40-125 fathom range. Seward Gateway, December 5, 1925, 24.
87Bell, The Pacific Halibut, 90. The March 8, 1922 issue of the Seward Gateway stated that "halibut schooners are starting out from southeast Alaska for the season's fishing, and soon Seward will see a number of these vessels calling in for gear and supplies."
88U.S. Bureau of Fisheries, Alaska Fishery and Fur-Seal Industries, 1921, 42; Seward Gateway, January 22, 1922, 2; Barry, Seward History, II, 188. The only time that Seward halibut landings rose to a significant level during this period was in June 1919, when a strike shut down the Prince Rupert halibut industry. Seward Gateway, June 21, 1919, 4.
92International Pacific Halibut Commission, The Pacific Halibut: Biology, Fishery, and Management, Technical Report No. 22 (Seattle, the author, 1987), 34; U.S. Bureau of Fisheries, Alaska Fishery and Fur-Seal Industries, 1930, 62. The IFC became the IPHC in 1953.
101Seward Gateway, July 25, 1922, 1; USBF, Alaska Fishery and Fur-Seal Industries, 1920, 61; Tracee Geernaert to Linda Cook letter, November 24, 1992, in "Halibut" folder, KEFJ HRS Collection, NPS; Seward Shea interview, March 7, 1997.
106U.S. Bureau of Fisheries, Alaska Fishery and Fur-Seal Industries, various years, 1940 through 1956; Barry, Seward History, III, 212. The Seward Fish and Cold Storage plant, which opened in 1948, apparently processed black cod as well as other species. There is no evidence, however, that a significant number of cod were processed during its decade-long period of operation.
107The International Fisheries Commission divided the West Coast halibut fishery, for statistical purposes, into 60-mile-wide zones. Some 60-odd zones were delineated between Northern California and the Bering Sea; in any given year, between 40 and 55 of those zones reported halibut harvests.
118U.S. Bureau of Fisheries, "Cook Inlet Annual Report," 1939, p. 10, in Box 8; U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, "Cook Inlet Annual Report," 1955, p. 36, in Box 9; both in Fisheries District Annual Reports, ca. 1925-56, RG 370, NARA ANC.
1122Bernard E. Skud, Henry M. Sakuda and Gerald M. Reid, Statistics of the Alaska Herring Fishery, 1878-1956, USF&WS Statistical Digest 48 (Washington, GPO, 1960), 5; U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, "Central District Annual Report," 1946, pp. 15-19, in Box 6; USF&WS, "Cook Inlet Annual Report," 1955, p. 36, in Box 9; both in Fisheries District Annual Reports, ca. 1925-56, RG 370, NARA ANC; ADF&G, "Cook Inlet Herring Report," 1980, p. 1.
123As if to demonstrate that the 1955 harvest in the present-day park waters was not an isolated event, a Fish and Wildlife Service observer reported on May 13, 1959 that "unusually heavy herring spawning was observed in the Nuka Island area...." Longtime Nuka Island resident Pete Sather noted in 1959 that "[this] is one of the best spawning years seen in about 30 years." Optimistic observations that year were also made in Kachemak Bay, but no commercial harvests were made in either area. USF&WS, "Cook Inlet Annual Report," 1959, p. 36, in Box 9, Fisheries District Annual Reports, ca. 1925-56, RG 370, NARA ANC.
127Seward Gateway, April 18, 1935, 2. Mary Barry, in Volume III of her Seward History series (p. 237), noted that in March 1951 "a haul of shrimp" was harvested in Resurrection Bay and brought into Seward. The harvest brought "expectations of a new industry," but nothing came of those expectations until the late 1950s.
128Roy L. Cole, "Cook Inlet Annual Report," 1939, p. 13, in Box 8; U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, "Cook Inlet Annual Report," 1955, p. 87, in Box 9; both in Fisheries District Annual Reports, ca. 1925-56, RG 370, NARA ANC; U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, Alaska Fishery and Fur-Seal Industries, editions of 1949 (p. 50), 1950 (p. 45), 1951 (p. 48), and 1952 (p. 48).
132Seward Redevelopment Committee, "Seward Area Preliminary Redevelopment Plan," December 30, 1961, in "Seward" folder, Bureau of Fisheries Annual Report Files, Miscellaneous Files, ca. 1960s, RG 370, NARA ANC.
133Barry, Seward History, III, 237-38; Jim Rearden interview, February 25, 1997; ADF&G, "Cook Inlet Annual Management Report," 1970, 97. Among the major shrimp fishermen at this time were two brothers from Seward, Al and Oral Burch.
136Tom Schroeder interview, April 18, 1997; Seward Shea interview, March 7, 1997; Edward C. Murphy and A. Anne Hoover, "Research Study of the Reactions of Wildlife to Boating Activity Along the Kenai Fjords Coastline," final report to NPS, September 1981, 21; Bud Rice interview, January 28, 1998.
137"Pacific Canned Crab Pack, 1920," Pacific Fisherman Year Book 19 (1921), 93; ADF&G, "Lower Cook Inlet Annual Shellfish Management Report," 1975, 3; USF&WS, "Central District Annual Report," 1948, p. 29; Robert J. Browning, Fisheries of the North Pacific; History, Species, Gear and Processes, rev. ed. (Anchorage, Alaska Northwest, 1980), 21.
138Loren B. Flagg (ADF&G), "Cook Inlet Annual Shellfish Management Report; Southern, Outer and Kamishak Districts," 1971, unpaginated. Flagg noted that except for the Barren Islands, the Outer District crab fishery was "primarily a bay fishery with minimal offshore fishery activity."
141ADF&G, Commercial Fisheries Division, "Annual Report, Cook Inlet Area," 1968, 37; Donald M. Stewart (ADF&G), Annual Management Report, Cook Inlet-Resurrection Bay Area," 1969, 49; ADF&G, "Cook Inlet Annual Management Report, Part II," 1973, 9.
142Stewart, "Annual Management Report, Cook Inlet-Resurrection Bay Area," 1969, 3; ADF&G, "Cook Inlet Annual Management Report," 1970, 30; ADF&G, "Lower Cook Inlet Annual Shellfish Management Report," 1975, 10.
143Alaska Northwest Publishing, The Milepost, editions of 1969 (p. 265) and 1975 (p. 390); ADF&G, "Lower Cook Inlet, Annual Shellfish Management Report" for 1973 (p. 19) and 1995-96 (pp. 24, 64); Barry, Seward History, III, 295.
2Sherwood, Big Game in Alaska, 26-27; Chris Wooley, Final Report of the Exxon Cultural Resource Program, unpub. mss., c. 1992, 120; Chris C. Shea, "Game and Hunting on the Kenai Peninsula," Alaska-Yukon Magazine, July 1911, 26.
3Ronald T. Stanek, Patterns of Wild Resource Use in English Bay and Port Graham, Alaska, ADF&G Technical Paper #104 (1985), 75; n.a., "Big Game on the Kenai Peninsula," The Pathfinder of Alaska 1 (June 1920), 4; ADF&G, "Survey-Inventory Progress Report," 1969, 3.
9Shea, "Game and Hunting on the Kenai Peninsula," 25, 27; Seward Daily Gateway, September 2, 1913, 1. Some hunters had few expectations of the local guides but were pleasantly surprised at their experience. Sir Robert Harvey, in his Five Weeks in Alaska; Diary of a Trip to the Kenai Peninsula, September, 1913 (unpub. mss., p. 4, at PABC) noted that "I was greatly struck with my guide Andrew Simons, who I at once determined would be an excellent companion. [My companion's] guide Charles Emsweiller [sic] also appeared an excellent man, both in fact very superior to what I anticipated."
28Rockwell Kent, who spent the winter of 1918-1919 on an island in Resurrection Bay, was a harsh judge of the Alaska Steamship Company ships that served Seward. Noting the steamer Curacao one evening, he noted, "What old hulks they do put onto this Alaska service." Kent, Wilderness, A Journal of Quiet Adventure in Alaska (New Haven, Leete's Island Books, 1982), 188.
33Capra, "Fox Island Retreat," 5; Current Biography, 1942, 447-48; Frank Getlein, "R. Kent," The McGraw-Hill Encyclopedia of World Biography, Vol. 6 (New York, McGraw-Hill, 1973), 173. Capra, a Seward resident, differs with Getlein; he feels that Kent's best American work is the edition of Herman Melville's Moby Dick that contain Kent's illustrations.
36Doug Capra notes that although Kent had little direct influence on Alaska tourism, he did influence a number of Alaska-based writers and painters, some of which were read or viewed by visitors to the territory. Capra to Norris, email, May 18, 1998.
43Seward Gateway, April 16, 1921, 7; March 22, 1922, 6; March 24, 1922, 6; April 21, 1922, 1; July 12, 1923, 5; Barry, Seward History, II, 58. In an adroit public-relations move on the eve of President Harding's visit to Seward, the Gateway announced that Seward citizens had named the "huge ice pack" west of town "the Harding Glacier in honor of the visit of our nation's chief executive." The name, as noted above, had actually been bestowed more than a year earlier.
45Seward Gateway, July 18, 1922, 1; July 25, 1922, 1; August 11, 1922, 4; Barry, Seward History, II, 60. As Ms. Barry notes in Volume III of her Seward history (p. 253), the road to Lowell Point was not completed until 1961.
50Barry, Seward History, II, 62; Barry, Seward History, III, 4, 133, 226. Ms. Barry notes that the Russian cannon inexplicably disappeared from the park in 1941. It was recovered, however, in October 1951 and is now in the Resurrection Bay Historical Society museum.
52Aron Ericson, a local sign painter, responded to Harding's gesture by painting a white, 12-by-250-foot sign, "HARDING GATEWAY," on the cliffs at the south end of Renard Island to "remind travelers of our distinguished visitor." J. P. Hannon, "Seward, Alaska," The Pathfinder of Alaska 4 (April 1924), 11; Francis Russell, The Shadow of Blooming Grove (New York, McGraw-Hill, 1968), 584; Seward Gateway, July 17, 1923, 4; August 13, 1923, 2.
55Seward Gateway, June 11, 1923, 2; June 25, 1923, 2; Barry, Seward History, III, 116; J. P. Hannon, "Seward, Alaska," The Pathfinder of Alaska 4 (April 1924), 11. The Seward Gateway (June 14, 1927, page 1) noted that tourists enjoyed watching the whales that had been lured into Resurrection Bay because of the eulachon run; those tourists, however, watched the whales from steamships, not from locally-charted craft.
60Seward Gateway, June 3, 1927, 3; June 4, 1927, 6; June 6, 1927, 4. Mary Barry, in Volume III of her Seward history (p. 97), notes that Berger that summer operated under the auspices of the Alaska Glacier Tours Association.
61Seward Gateway, July 20, 1927, 6; May 3, 1929, 2; May 13, 1929, 5; July 21, 1933, 2. As noted above, most of the major coastal steamers passed too far south of the fjord country for passengers to benefit much from the coastal scenery and wildlife. The steamship route between Seward and Kodiak, however, passed relatively close to Seal Rocks, and many were highly impressed by what they saw. Gateway editor E. F. Jessen noted that Frank Barry, a 1935 passenger, reportedly saw "thousands of seals ... he had never seen anything like it before, and the wonderful spectacle will stay long in his memory." Seward Gateway, April 23, 1935, 4.
62Elsa Pedersen, "I Remember Herring Pete," Alaska 40 (July 1974), 28-29. For examples of Sather hauling tourists to and from Nuka Bay, see the Seward Gateway for July 16, 1929, 2, and June 1, 1933, 4.
66Barry, Seward History, II, 214-16; National Resources Planning Board, "City of Seward, Survey of Conditions and Suggestions for a Public Improvement Program," unpub. mss., May 1942, 2, in "Seward-Programming" file, Box 26, RG 187, NARA ANC.
78John B. Skerry (USF&WS), "Cook Inlet Annual Management Report," 1956, 3: Barry, Seward History, III, 228, 270-71; Rearden, Status of the Cook Inlet-Resurrection Bay Commercial Salmon Fishery, ADF&G Informational Leaflet 69 (1965), 14.
85Barry, Seward History, III, 349. Elsewhere in her volume (on pages 302-03 and 310), Barry appears to refute some of these statements; she notes, for example, that a 1966 city directory had no listings for "boat rentals and charters," and that the same directory did not list the Fish House.
87Real Property Disposal Files, 1944-49, Box 7, in Regional Director's office, Alaska Region (Region 37) collection, RG 270 (War Assets Administration), NARA; Barry, Seward History, III, 272; Louis R. Huber, "Mountain Goats Alive," Alaska Sportsman 21 (September 1955), 6.
89ADF&G, "Resource Management Recommendations for Kenai Fjords National Park and Surrounding Area," February 24, 1984, 14, at ARLIS; NPS, "Areas of Conflict, Questions and Answers on Kenai Fjords," c. 1977, 2, in KEFJ Collection; Alaska Planning Group, Proposed Harding Icefield-Kenai Fjords National Monument, Alaska, Final Environmental Statement, 1975, 91.
90NPS, "Areas of Conflict," 2; NPS, Environmental Assessment and Draft Development Concept Plan, Kenai Fjords National Park, Exit Glacier Area, Alaska, September 1981, 9; Pat O'Leary interview, December 17, 1996; Bob White interview, December 17, 1996; Alaska Planning Group, Proposed Harding Icefield-Kenai Fjords National Monument, 1975, 91.
91The Milepost, issues of 1968 (p. 259) and 1970 (p. 287); Seward Chamber of Commerce, "What to See and Do" [brochure], 1967, in KEFJ Collection; n.a., "Seward Having a Quiet Boom," Alaska Industry, July 1975, 46.
94The Alaska Game Commission, in its Nineteenth Annual Report (1958), pp. 39-40, noted that "Oil discoveries on the Moose Range were represented to be of such potential importance that the northern half of the Moose Range was opened during the year to oil development under stipulations designed to protect wildlife." The range's southern half, however, was closed "to protect Dall sheep and to guarantee trophy moose."
95Spencer, Naske, and Carnahan, "National Wildlife Refuges of Alaska, a Historical Perspective," 132-33; Secretarial Order, July 24, 1958, in Alaska State Office, BLM, Anchorage. This order, while nominally protective of the Kenai Mountains portion of the moose range, was largely inconsequential for two reasons: first, petroleum companies showed no particular interest in this portion of the range; and second, Seaton's administrative action could be reversed by any succeeding Interior Secretary. BLM records indicate that the only oil and gas lease activity in or near present-day Kenai Fjords National Park was located in the Martin Creek-Cottonwood Creek portion of the Resurrection River valley. In September 1957, Joseph T. Sparling of Edmonton, Alberta, Canada applied for a standard 2,560-acre oil and gas lease. He did not develop the area, however, and in January 1961 his lease was terminated. BLM, Application A 038092, in Alaska State Office, Anchorage.
96Spencer, Naske, and Carnahan, "National Wildlife Refuges of Alaska," 133-34; Public Land Order 3400, May 22, 1964; Rakestraw, Forest Service in Alaska, 148. The BSF&W arranged for the 40,000-acre addition in order to facilitate the reintroduction of caribou into the area. In May 1965, and again in April 1966, the agency reintroduced caribou into two portions of the moose range; they were the first of the species seen on the peninsula since they were exterminated in 1913. ADF&G, "Survey-Inventory Progress Report," 1969, p. 3.
99BSF&W, "Kenai Wilderness Proposal, Kenai National Moose Range, Alaska," April 1971, centerfold map; USF&WS, "Kenai National Moose Range" photo booklet (FWLB 1056), n.d (1971?); Seward Phoenix Log, May 6, 1971, 5. Simons died on September 18, 1962; see Anchorage Times, September 20, 1962, 2.
101Barry, Seward History, III, 41-42, 346. After several climbers traversed Harding Glacier in April 1968, Resurrection Glacier became known as Exit Glacier because the climbers descended from the icefield at that point. It has been known as Exit Glacier ever since.
102Seward Phoenix Log, July 23, 1970, 1; Herman Leirer interview, December 17, 1996; NPS, Environmental Assessment/Draft Development Concept Plan, Kenai Fjords National Park, Exit Glacier Area, Alaska (Denver, the author), September 1981, 2, 5, 19; Charles E. Sloan, Water Resources and Hydrologic Hazards of the Exit Glacier Area near Seward, Alaska, USGS Water-Resources Investigations Report 85-4247 (Anchorage, 1985), 1.
104Seward Phoenix Log, July 2, 1970, 6; Barry, Seward History, III, 271, 342. Pat O'Leary, a local U.S. Forest Service staffer, noted in a December 17, 1996 interview that the soldiers may have avoided the Resurrection River valley by taking a roundabout, high-elevation route from Cooper Lake to Lost Lake.
105On volume III, page 343 of her Seward history, Mary Barry noted that the first seven miles of the trail were cut in the summer of 1982 and that the remaining nine miles were constructed in 1984. However, the 1985 edition of the Milepost (p. 289) stated that the trail was still only half finished after the 1984 season, with "plans call[ing] for this trail to be connected with the Russian Lakes trail in 1985."
106Based on available sources, the Alaska Planning Group's assertion that "several touring and climbing parties have successfully crossed the Harding Icefield since the 1800s, using Seward as a staging area" is apparently incorrect because it implies that successful crossings were made prior to 1940. APG, Proposed Harding Icefield-Kenai Fjords National Monument, 1975, 91.
107J. Vin Hoeman, "Crossing the Harding Icefield," Alaska 37 (May 1971), 46; Colin Aussant, "Pieces of Yule," True North 4 (Spring 1998), 19. One of Yule's granddaughters is Jewel Kilcher, a popular singer.
110Anchorage Daily News, April 17, 1968, 6; April 26, 1968, 1, 6; Hoeman, "Crossing the Harding Icefield," 47. The 1968 crossing party appears to have been responsible for the name Exit Glacier. As noted in Chapter 5, access-road advocate Herman Leirer, during the mid-1960s, had used the term "Resurrection Glacier." During the mid-1970s, a consultant (B. L. Nishkian, Recreational Development Potential of the Harding Icefield, Seward, Alaska, as a Year-Round Sports and Scenic Area, November 5, 1975, in Amy Vincent/1995 Swetmann Report file, Seward Public Library) called the feature Entry Glacier. Neither Leirer's nor Nishkian's terms gained common usage.
114Cheechako News [Kenai], May 16, 1970, 5; Seward Phoenix Log, June 19, 1970, 12; Seward Gateway, July 14, 1927, 4; NPS, Environmental Assessment, Harding Icefield Tours Concession Permit, Kenai Fjords National Park, Alaska, December 1988, 1, in KEFJ Collection. Both Arness and Stanton were longtime Peninsula residents; Stanton was born and raised in Seward (his family had operated the Seward Trading Company back in the 1920s), while Arness was a Fort Raymond soldier during World War II who later settled in Kenai.
115Seward Phoenix Log, May 14, 1970, 1; June 4, 1970, 1; Harding Ice Cap" file folder, Mike Tetreau Collection, KEFJ; Bob White interview, December 17, 1996. The shelter had a gas range, gas heater, bed, table, chair, and several sleeping bags. Arland Zimmerman, who served as a snowmachine mechanic, and his twelve-year-old son Gary lived there off and on that summer.
116Seward Phoenix Log, June 4, 1970, 1; June 19, 1970, 12; Alaska Planning Group, Harding Icefield-Kenai Fjords National Monument, Alaska, A Master Plan, December 1973, 9: Amy C. Vincent, "The Harding Ice Field Development."
117Seward Phoenix Log, July 16, 1970, 1, 12; July 23, 1970, 5; Alaska Planning Group, Proposed Harding Icefield-Kenai Fjords National Monument, Alaska, Final Environmental Statement, 1975, 93. The press initially reported that the BLM had acted because two people with a potential interest in the icefield"an Anchorage businesswoman dealing in land development and an official of the Kenai Peninsula Economic Development District"had called at the agency's Anchorage office. One apparently wanted to buy land on the icecap and made reference to the snowmobile operation. Berg, however, responded to the newspaper's allegation by stating that "he was going to act on the trespass regardless of their visit to the office."
119"Harding Ice Cap" folder, Tetreau files, KEFJ; Seward Phoenix Log, July 23, 1970, 1; NPS, Environmental Assessment, Harding Icefield Tours Concession Permit, Kenai Fjords National Park, Alaska, December 1988, 1; Mike Tetreau interview, December 17, 1997.
120William C. Vincent, "The Harding Icefield," unpub. mss., c. 1969; Vincent to Terry Fleming (Alaska Department of Highways), n.d.; Vincent, "Harding Icefield Development," c. 1969; Vincent to Mr. Clark, February 27, 1971; all in Amy Vincent/Swetmann Report file, Seward Public Library.
122Dave Spencer interview, April 3, 1997; ADF&G, "Survey-Inventory Progress Report" for 1969 (p. 83) and 1970 (p. 58), at ADF&G Library. Another research effort was made in 1908. "Professors Stevens and Carter" visited Yalik Bay supposedly "seeking speci-mens" for the University of Oklahoma. OU officials, however, have no records of either professor or of items they may have collected. Seward Weekly Gateway, May 30, 1908, 1.
124G. Frank Williss, "Do Things Right the First Time": The National Park Service and the Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act of 1980 (Denver, NPS, September 1985), 45; NNL Files, RG 79, NARA ANC. For more information on Lake George and similar "self-dumping" lakes, see Austin Post and Laurence R. Mayo, Glacier Dammed Lakes and Outburst Floods in Alaska, USGS Hydrologic Investigations Atlas HA-455 (Washington, GPO, 1972), 4. Of the forty-odd sites recommended as NNLs, one was placed on the list in 1967, eight in 1968, and six in 1970.
125Ruth A. M. Schmidt, "Evaluation of Harding and Sargent Ice Fields, Alaska, for Eligibility for Registered Natural National Landmarks," January 20, 1969, p. 1, in "123-Harding Icefield" folder, NNL collection, RG 79, NARA ANC; Donald S. Follows (Keyman, HIKF) to Chief, Professional Services, May 9, 1977, in "Geology" folder, KEFJ HRS Collection.
127Hall to Director NPS (Attn: Assistant Director, Cooperative Activities, WASO), May 27, 1969, in "N44 Harding & Sargent Icefields (126-359), Anchorage Community College" file folder in "123-Harding Icefield" accordion folder, NNL collection, RG 79, NARA ANC.
128Alaska Planning Group, Harding Icefield-Kenai Fjords National Monument, December 1973, 18. In 1985, the icefields were again considered for NNL status as part of a broad theme study that was prepared by Robert B. Forbes and David B. Stone at the University of Alaska Fairbanks Geophysical Institute. In this study, the two icefields were considered separately; the former, they noted, "is an excellent example of a glacial relict.... Comparatively, however, [its] features are equaled or exceeded by other icefields, fiords, and tidal glaciers in coastal Alaska." In a similar vein, they concluded that "the glacial features of the Sargent Icefield do not merit a high rating when compared to similar features elsewhere in the coastal ranges of Alaska." Both icefields were ranked low, for two reasons: they were ranked as being relatively insignificant and they were already in a protected land status. The study also evaluated Aialik Peninsula south of Three Hole Bay because the many drowned cirques created an excellent example of "biscuit-board" topography. The author noted, however, that "neither the theme nor the relative quality of the site merit a high significance priority." Forbes and Stone, Proposed Geological Natural Landmarks and Themes for the Pacific Mountain System, Alaska, Part I, prepared for the Division of Natural Landmarks, NPS (Fairbanks, UAF Geophysical Institute, 1985), 126, 278-286.
132Donald S. Follows notes that Craig Breedlove and NPS planner Richard Stenmark decided upon the term "Kenai Fjords" as a proposal name, probably in 1971. It was not until 1977 that the name also came to be applied to "a set of geotectonic and glacial features" located between Port Dick to Cape Resurrection. Follows to Chief, Professional Services, May 9, 1977, in "Geology" folder, KEFJ HRS Collection; Follows, "The Role of Nuka Island in a Kenai Fjords National Park Proposal," unpub. mss., December 12, 1977, 4-5.
133Williss, "Do Things Right the First Time," 39, 51-53, 75-79; Richard Stenmark to Norris, October 31, 1997; Theodor Swem to Norris, March 17, 1997. On page 27 of his history, Williss notes that during the mid-1950s or even earlier, the NPS had surveyed the "Kenai" area. A report of this survey has not been located; it may or may not pertain to the present park area.
139Edgar P. Bailey, "Breeding Seabird Distribution and Abundance Along the South Side of the Kenai Peninsula, AK," Cooperative Research Project, NPS/USF&WS, December 1976, 1; Williss, "Do Things Right the First Time," 143-45. Theodor Swem, in a March 17, 1997 letter to Frank Norris, noted that "The only real difference on Kenai that I remember was that Keith Trexler, who was a strong supporter, thought that it should be a National Park, and I, who had worked on classification criteria when I first moved to Washington, thought it would be better as a National Monument. Keith would have been pleased over the outcome."
145Alaska Planning Group, Proposed Harding Icefield-Kenai Fjords National Monument, 1975, 17. For information on the Seward NRA bill in later (1975 and 1977) congresses, see Ted Stevens to Jay Hammond, October 3, 1975 and Hammond to Stevens, October 24, 1975, both in File NR-1, Series 88, RG 01, ASA; Rakestraw, Forest Service in Alaska, 168; and M. Woodbridge Williams, "Kenai Fjords: Treasure Unveiled," National Parks and Conservation Magazine, September 1977, 10.
146Seward City Council, Resolution No. 899 (February 25, 1974) and Resolution No. 935 (January 12, 1976); NPS, "Areas of Conflict, Questions and Answers on Kenai Fjords," n.d. [c. 1977], 1. The resolutions were apparently the work of B. C. Hulm, a councilman who also worked at the local Forest Service office. After the park was established, a greater sense of harmony developed between the City and the NPS. On January 14, 1985, the City Council, in Resolution 85-5, rescinded both of its previous resolutions.
150John Madson, "Kenai Fjords: National Park in Waiting," Audubon 80 (July 1978), 61. The Alaska Maritime NWR was a new name that incorporated nineteen existing refuges within its boundaries. The islands off the Kenai coast, however, had not previously been part of a wildlife refuge.
154According to the most recent figures, the park's area is approximately 652,000 acres. The 570,000-acre figure may have been based on public (federal) acreage. John Myers (NPS) interview, April 28, 1998.
155Williss, "Do Things Right the First Time," 239, 243; NPS, Draft Resource Management Plan and Environmental Assessment, Kenai Fjords National Park, n.d. (September 1982), 2; Congressional Record, November 12, 1980, H 10532, H 10550.
156Barry, Seward History, III, 302-03, 307, 310. In 1978, Westours announced that it would be bringing a cruise ship in 1979 that would visit both Seward and the nearby fjords, but the plan was never implemented. Madson, "Kenai Fjords: National Park in Waiting," 56.
157Barry, Seward History, III, 349; The Milepost, 1978, 306. During the mid-1980s a travel writer wrote, "Since it was created in 1980, the park has been virtually impossible to visit. Finally, a couple of years ago [thus in 1983 or 1984], an adventurous couple [the Oldows] began regular full-day cruises into the area...." Heather Lockman, "Cruising the Kenai Fjords," Travel & Leisure Magazine, c. 1986, in KEFJ Collection.
158NPS, "Areas of Conflict, Questions and Answers On Kenai Fjords," c. 1977, 8; Ted McHenry interview, April 2, 1997; Edward C. Murphy and A. Anne Hoover, "Research Study of the Reactions of Wildlife to Boating Activity Along the Kenai Fjords Coastline," Alaska CPSU, Biological and Resource Management Program, UAF, September 1981, 21, at ARLIS. McHenry noted that in addition to the Oldows, another Sewardite who took people into the fjord country during the 1970s was Monty Richardson (a Seward High School teacher) and his wife.
Last Updated: 26-Oct-2002