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Field Division of Education
Preliminary Report on the Ethnography of the Southwest
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The Pueblos of the west consist of Zuni and the several Hopi villages. They differ from those of the east in several important respects. In the first place they have had far fewer contacts with whites, and, perhaps as a corollary to this, they are far less secretive. Particularly is this true of the masked dances. The material basis of life is also somewhat different inasmuch as the region is more arid and less well supplied with streams. The social structure is radically different and considerably affects the religious and ceremonial organization. There are several important differences between Zuni and the Hopi villages but viewed in the "gross" they are rather similar as contrasted with the Rio Grande Pueblos.

Economic Basis of Life

Agriculture: Western agriculture is carried on with considerable more ingenuity in the face of difficult circumstances than is the case in the east. The Zuni have their river and, latterly, additional irrigation facilities through the building of a government storage dam. The Hopi have none of these. They live in a region with an average rainfall of less than 12 inches, with little snow in winter and without much spring rain. Spring is marked by violent windstorms. Late July and August are marked by severe local thunder showers, rarely covering enough area, however, to cause the run-off to flow through the main washes as far as the Little Colorado. At no time is there any appreciable amount of dew.

The Hopi and Zuni, if possible, select lands along a wash subject to overflow during the winter rains. The Zuni in particular make use of lands at the mouths of washes emerging from mesas or hills. Temporary diversion dams are usually built across the washes, often several in number, with the object of spreading the waters. The Zuni marks out the boundaries of his plot, clears and burns the brush, and sets up stone markers at the corners. The field, after the dams are built, is then bordered or dyked in accordance with the natural contours, often to a height of several feet, in order to conserve all the possible run-off either from the arroyo or local rains. The banks distribute the water over various parts of the field and also cause a considerable dropping of sediment. The Zuni farmer likewise often makes fences of sage brush to accumulate wind-blown sand on various parts of the land. This sand is also spread over the ground by the irrigating water.

The lands selected by both peoples usually are sandy, preferably with a reasonably close sub-stratum of clay to reduce percolation, while the sand forms a mulch preventing rapid evaporation. The Hopi, where irrigation is impossible, select lands with heavy clay soil covered by several inches of very sandy soil. Hopi lands in particular tend to be diversified. A large number are on the flat bottoms along the main washes; others are on the slopes close to the mesa bases where there is considerable underground percolation. In very dry years, those fields closest to the mesa will not produce; on the other hand, should there be a very wet year, the fields along the arroyos will be washed out and perhaps lost. In the same way, as the big washes drain rather different areas, a man will try to plant on more than one large wash because he doubles the chances of getting enough water for at least a partial crop and halves the chances of having his entire field washed away.

Both Hopi and Zuni lands belong theoretically first of all to the clan, although in actuality they descend primarily from mother to daughter. Hopi clan lands have recognized boundaries, while individual holdings within the clan lands often have no fixed boundaries because the constantly shifting soil and moisture conditions due to flooding, etc., make it necessary to be continuously shifting fields. Both Hopi and Zuni allow for irregularities in inheritance also. There are many plots of ground developed by men outside the clan boundaries, particularly since improved transportation methods and safety permit traveling to greater distances. There is a tendency for these plots to be passed from father to son. Also, in case a man's children are short of land, the Hopi father's clan will permit the children to continue use of the land, although eventually it will revert to the clan. The Zuni, however, apparently permit permanent alienation from the clan if a man so desires. Normal inheritance of land cultivated by a man would be to his brother's or to his sister's sons. Yet if he so desires, he may bequeath them to his own children or divide them. A man wishing to do this will speak of the matter to the medicine society of which he is a member. The affair will be kept secret by all concerned until the man's death. Then if there is any dispute, the heads of the medicine society will appear and reveal the dead man's wishes.

When a Zuni is preparing a new field, once the brush is cleared and the diversion dams built, he consecrates the field with prayer sticks and ritual cane cigarettes given him by a corn priest; smoking to the directions, praying, and planting the offerings in the bed of the arroyo below the final dam.

Planting preparations really begin with the previous year's harvest. The land is brushed and put into shape immediately after the harvest, and furrows and banks are arranged to distribute any chance winter rainfall. The Zuni place the best corn seed of the harvest, after a ritual treatment of great elaborateness, in a special fawn skin bag. Actual planting takes place after the first spring rain, usually in mid-May. The Zuni plant the ritually prepared seeds of different colored corn in the middle of the field, each color in the direction with which it is symbolically associated. They use an ancestral and treasured digging stick. The success of this ritual planting is supposed to determine the success of the entire crop.

A hole is gouged in the soil about 8 inches deep and several inches wide in which is planted 15 to 20 kernels of corn. The hole is then filled and the soil firmed. If the soil is very sandy and not subject to overflow irrigation, the corn may be planted as much as 15 inches deep. The holes are usually marked with a stone. The large number of kernels in each "hill" are required because of the high mortality due to cutworms, rodents, crows, and also the small percentage of stalks which are sufficiently vigorous to reach the surface from the depths at which they are planted. If the holes become completely covered in a sandstorm, the sand must be removed from each laboriously with the hands. Scarecrows and traps and snares are placed for rodents and crows.

The Zuni usually plant a few inches to leeward of the clump of stalks and roots remaining from last year's crop, and only if this does not offer adequate protection to the young shoots do they resort to windbreaks. The Hopi make regular windbreaks about thirty feet apart by sticking brush in the sand, and frequently make smaller windbreaks by each plant. The young corn plants are often protected by placing over them tin cans from which both ends have been removed.

During the growing season, the weeds are cut, each hill is meticulously inspected for cutworms periodically, and the Zuni heap earth about the bases of the corn plants when they are well developed. They formerly used an elk-scapula hoe for this.

As the crop nears maturity, the field is inspected, and all those ears which it is seen will not mature before the probable arrival of frost are plucked and sealed in a pit within which a fire has burned previously. After a period of steaming, the husks are stripped off and the corn dried on the cob. During this period and the harvest there is much feasting in the fields, where nearly everyone spends two to four weeks in temporary camps and shelters.

The harvest takes place usually after the first frost. The Zuni husk part of the ears in the field but the Hopi take practically all to the village where it is piled before the houses and husked. The corn is sorted as to color and quality and stored in the inner windowless rooms of the houses. It is then the property of the women, although before this time men are considered to own the crop and do most of the work involved. The stalks are then cut for fodder and are tied in bundles. Formerly they would not have been cut.

The corn must be carefully watched. If weevils are discovered in the corn, a woman summons her neighbors and each ear is removed, examined, and if weevils are discovered on the ear, it is wiped and rubbed thoroughly.

The Hopi usually plant beans in plots separate from the corn. Like all other cultivated plants, they are sown rather widely spaced. Clark reports more than twenty native varieties which are planted and stored separately, but this seems difficult to believe. Forde collected native terms for only six beans, two of which came in two varieties, and one of which: a spotted bean, is called pinto, which is merely Spanish for spotted. This derivation for the term, of which Forde was apparently unaware, indicates that there were no more then five native terms for beans, indicating Clark's other varieties were not native. One small brown bean is gathered in the pod, dried and stored for winter use.

There are many varieties of melon and squash grown. A native, white-fleshed variety grown by the Hopi will retain its flavor stored in the house until January or February. The usual Pueblo practice of cutting squash in spirals or rings and drying them in the sun is common.

The Hopi formerly grew native cotton despite the unfavorable environment (short season). Hopi cotton by Department of Agriculture test is the most rapidly maturing variety known; it has produced mature bolls 84 days after planting.

Fruit trees, particularly peaches, are much raised by Zuni and Hopi. The Hopi grow them on the sand and talus slopes below the mesa near springs and seepages which provide sub-irrigation. They are kept carefully clear of weeds. The fruit is never eaten fresh but is preserved by drying and often stored in sealed adobe chambers made by constructing a second wall 12-15 inches from tho house wall, placing the fruit between the walls and sealing the top with adobe. So placed, fruit will last two or three seasons.

Small garden plots are used to grow onions, peppers, and whatever other garden plants may be raised. The Hopi make terraces near the larger springs which they irrigate through ditches. The Zuni usually make small plots near the town which they fence. The vegetables are grown in hills, one to six in a small basin about 15 x 24 inches with 4 inch borders. Water is brought in jars to irrigate these. Gardens both at Hopi and Zuni are largely women's work.

Cushing, 1920; Forde, 1931a; Clark, 1926; M. C. Stevenson, 1904, 1915; Lewton.

Wild Plants: The Zuni make use of many wild plants including tumbleweed seeds, wormwood seeds, pods or tips of various milk-weeds and the milk vetch, salt bush seeds, chenopodium seeds, pinon, coreopsis, pig weed seeds, ground cherry, wild currant (leaves and berries), native potato, nightshade berries, cockle-burr seeds, yucca fruit, thistles, cactus fruits, puff balls, and the Rocky Mountain bee plant. There are others, of course, but these are the most important. M. C. Stevenson, 1915; for the Hopi see also Robbins, Harrington, Friere-Marreco; Hough, 1897, 1898; Fewkes, 1896; Denver Art Museum Leaflet 8.

Houses: House building is theoretically the work of the men in the main, but women do certain parts of it and often all except the lifting of the heaviest beams and stones. When the house-builder has picked a suitable site, the corners are marked. Then the beams are cut and the roughly dressed stone assembled. Helpers, usually of the builder's clan, are not paid, but must be fed.

When the materials are all collected, the builder goes to the village who prepares for him four small eagle features with a short cotton string, which he breathes on and sprinkles with meal before giving it to the builder. These the builder deposits under stones at the four corners of the house and places food on each side of the point where the door is to be, while food particles mixed with native tobacco are scattered along the line of the walls. The walls are built up of roughly shaped stone set in a little adobe mortar. They are 7 to 8 feet high and from 15 to 22 inches thick. Rooms are always rectangular. When the walls are completed, the rafters are laid across. These are usually of pine or cottonwood but pinon, juniper, and willow are all used at times. The bark is removed. The rafters are placed about two feet apart and across them at right angles are laid small poles about one foot apart. Upon these poles are laid reeds or small willows side by side and upon this layer of grass, small twigs, and weeds. A layer of mud is then spread, covered with earth, and firmly trodden down. A final plaster of mud is then spread as a floor. The roofing is always women's work. Plaster is now applied to the outer walls, although the Hopi are apt to be negligent in this respect.

The builder now prepares four feathers similar to those first fixed by the chief and ties them to a short piece of willow which he inserts over one of the central roof basins. These feathers are renewed every year in December. Fragments of food are placed among the rafters with prayers for long life for the inmates of the house.

In preparing the roof a hole is left at one corner beneath which the woman builds her fireplace and chimney. The fireplace is a cavity about one foot square in the corner. Over this is built a hood with the lower rim about three feet from the floor and then a chimney. The final finish of the roof is to carry the wall above the roof level a few inches in a sort of coping, often capped with rock slabs to prevent percolation of water. Various devices are employed to drain the water from thereof without damage to the plastered walls or the adobe mortar of the walls.

The ground floor usually has no entrance except through the roof (this condition is rapidly changing at Zuni). As the house is added to and has additional stories, upper stories are used as the living quarters, the lower rooms for storage. Each ground floor unit or rectangular room which is added is built with the same ceremonies described above, and is considered a new "house", but in adding upper stories there is no ceremonial. The roof is used as a place of temporary storage, longing place and a communal highway. There are usually one or more fireplaces in the upper stories and among the Hopi particularly there is an outside fireplace on the terrace or roof. The Hopi also have special small rooms which are used in the making of wafer bread.

The typical interior is fitted with stone floors, even in the upper stories where the roof of the room below forms the floor of the upper room. Thin slabs of stone are laid on the roof in this case to furnish a hard-surfaced floor. The fireplace is in one corner, generally away from the door;. in another corner are the water jars; and in still another the mealing bins with their three or four metates, aways arranged so the women kneel behind them facing the room. There are usually wall benches of masonry and adobe and storage bins. A pole is usually suspended from the rafters somewhere for storage of clothing and blankets.

The western kivas, or ceremonial structures, are all rectangular in ground plan. The dimensions are about 12-1/2 by 25 feet, the ceiling being 5-1/2 to 8 feet above the floor, slightly higher in the middle and with a raised entrance hatchway and smoke-hole about 5 x 7 feet. Zuni entrances are wood framed and more elongated, with one section primarily for the smoke-hole, another for the entrance. Hopi kiva hatchways are sometimes built up with a cribbing of logs several feet above the roof level. There are matting or other covers to the entrance.

Directly below the entrance hatchway is a fire pit, a shallow depression about one foot square. The ordinary Hopi fuel is greasewood, bundles of which are hung within the kiva hatchway to dry. One end of the Kiva floor floor is raised about 12 inches. This section is where visitors sit when admitted to the kiva and on the edge of it rests the ladder to the entrance hatchway. Across the end of the kiva is a ledge of masonry two feet high and about one foot wide which serves as a shelf for the display of fetishes. A small niche-like aperture in the middle of the ledge is the "kachina" house in which masks are placed during the ceremonies when they are not in use. In the main floor is a cavity about one foot deep and eight or ten inches on a side, which is covered with a short thick slab of cottonwood or stone, the upper surface level with the floor and with a hole in the center filled with a plug. This is the sipapu or entrance to the underworld by which spirits enter the kiva.

Various other features occur unrelated to the ceremonial purposes. Along the walls logs are set in the floor with holes to which looms may be attached when the men are weaving in the kiva. Frequently there are benches of masonry along the walls for seats. The interior is usually plastered, the work being done by women. Ladders are of notched log or are made in two pieces with cross rungs passing through holes bored in the side pieces. Oraibi used ladders with the crosspieces lashed in notches.

Hopi kivas each have a chief who is often regarded as the owner of the kiva. Kiva chieftanship is inherited in the female line. One kiva is always called, in addition to its regular name, the chief kiva. It is the resort of the town chief and the town crier or crier chief. Zuni kivas are owned by the various divisions of the kachina society.

V. Mindeleff, 1891; M. C. Stevenson, 1904, 349 et. seq.; Forde, 1931a.

Dress and Ornament: This does not differ materially from the native dress described for the Rio Grande although native dress is much more commonly worn today.


The western Pueblos are considerably richer in handicrafts than the eastern. See particularly The Hopi Craftsman. Museum of Northern Arizona.

Pottery: The description of pottery making on the Rio Grande will serve for the western pottery making, except that the Hopi sometimes use native coal in firing. This is possibly a modern usage.

Earliest pottery to be ascribed to the Hopi is a decadent black on white or black on orange, but this correlation with archaeology is not necessarily correct. About 1300 appeared Jeditto yellow, black designs on a clear yellow ground, first geometric, later developing more realistic forms. About 1425 it reached its height with black and red, later with white, added to the yellow ground. The best of this was called Sikyatki and marks the apex of Pueblo pottery art. During the 16th century the ware became decadent with heavy lines, dull colors, poor execution, geometric designs, red and black on yellow for colors. About 1800 the Tewa of Hano introduced strong Zuni influence; even the colors became similar, with a crackled surface. In 1897 J. Walter Fewkes excavated the ruin of Sikyatki, and the wife of one of the workmen from Hano, Nampeyo, undertook to reproduce the designs on the old Sikyatki bowls and pots as well as the shapes and paste. Her extraordinary ability and perseverance led to a modern revolution of Hopi pottery. Despite this great improvement, the making of decorated ware is declining and only a few Hopi Pueblos make it in quantity.

The best Hopi pottery has a mottled background shading from a light cream through yellow to orange, depending on the amount of heat. That with a yellow slip burns fairly even dark reddish-orange, while that with a white slip remains white. The decorations are in black or dark brown, a dark reddish orange, and white. The ware is rather thick. Most of the designs are conventionalized bird forms. Most characteristic shapes are a shallow bowl with incurving rim, and a jar with flattened shoulder and small mouth. Also are made bowls with outcurving rims, spherical jars, canteens with one flat side, dippers with long tubular or short loop handles, ceremonial bowls and dippers with cloud pattern rims, small flat tile, very small paint pots, rattles, and various escentric forms, some of which, such as candlesticks and ash trays, are clearly white influenced. Recently tall slender jars of attractive shape have been made.

The Zuni use a clear white slip which darkens with age; it appears to be thick and heavy. The painted designs are in dark-brown, black and a medium red. The base is dark brown or gray, almost black; this color shows clear through the paste when pots are broken. The ware is thickish, the shapes poorly modeled, and the rim left by removal of the base at the time of moulding is frequently not smoothed out. Water jars and bowls of various sizes are the most common shapes, the latter decorated both inside and out. The design is characterized as a field marked off into sections in which various designs are painted. Design elements include deer, crudely drown with a red line from mouth to heart and a white spot on the rump; squatty little birds with long tails; large flower-like discs or rosettes; and large hooks with triangular points on the outside of curving lines. The neck is not included in the main decorative field except in some very modern pottery, but has a separate treatment. Other shapes and designs include dippers and bowls with terraced figures cut on the rims and with frogs, tadpoles, dragonflies, butterflies, heavenly phenomena, and corn. These are for ceremonial use. Formerly a good deal of black on red ware was made and lately some tan slips have been used.

J. Stevenson, 1883, 1883a, 1884; Bunzel, 1929; Denver Art Museum Leaflets 47, 53, 54; Hough, 1917, 1918; Dorsey, 1899; Hodge, 1904.

Weaving: See for Zuni, Spier, 1924a.

The Hopi weave both cotton and wool, the latter of course introduced by the Spanish. Weavers are now all men with few exceptions, although early documents speak of women weavers. All men above middle age can weave.

The loom is vertical, similar in most respects to that of the Navaho. The upper beam is fastened to the beam ends or pegs set in the wall of the houses or kivas. The lower beam is tied to the floor with ropes run through sockets or pegs driven in the floor. The warp is strung in a series of long figure eights between two rods fastened to pegs driven in the floor. These rods are replaced with cords which are then bound to the rods, the rods in turn being fastened to the beams. Plain, checked and diapered patterns are produced by a complicated system of heddles or heald rods. One edge is first woven, then the loom is reversed and the opposite edge woven. Then the center is filled in. The yarn is passed through the warp and beaten into place with wooden batten sticks, combs, needles, etc.

For belt weaving (also sashes, garters, headbands and other narrow fabrics which are produced in quantities) a complicated heddle series is used. The warp is attached at the top to a wooden roller instead of a rod and the other end is held by a band passing behind the back of the weaver. Belt warps are more complicated in their arrangement also.

Cotton is prepared for spinning by beating with a bundle of pliant rods which loosens the seeds. Loose rolls are formed and are spun into yarn by hand with a slender wooden spindle about 12 to 20 inches with a whorl or fly-wheel of wood, horn, or earthenware. Articles of cotton include blankets, sometimes embroidered, shawls, men's dance kilts and sashes, embroidered, and ceremonial and wedding sashes. Woolen articles include the dark brown or blue woman's dress, blankets, and, formerly, men's shirts, narrow belts, and garters. Wool weaving resembles Navaho work but is better done.

Native dyes are still used to some extent. They include red, green, blue, yellow, black, brown, and white.

Denver Art Museum Leaflet, 18.

Basketry: The Hopi are the only Pueblo Indians to make basketry on any scale. Coiled work is made by three villages on the second mesa only. The materials are coils of strips of yucca leaf wrapped around bunches of a coarse grass, Hilaria jamesii. A slender coil is begun by wraping a long strip of yucca leaf about a small bunch of a coarse grass, Hilaria jamesii. A slender coil is begun by wrapping a long strip of yucca leaf about a small bunch of shredded bits of the same material. This coil is rolled on itself and sewn with yucca leaf to start the coil, grass being added. In making a flat plaque, the inside faces the worker, but in deeper shapes, the outside faces the worker. Sewing is done by making a hole near the top of the already wrapped coil and passing a strip of yucca through this hole and around the foundation material projecting from the coil so far finished, and back to the next hole.

Shapes include perfectly-flat plaques, food trays, deep waste baskets, small globular baskets with covers, and, to order for Americans, coiled basket jars of very large size. Colors are less bright and varied than in the wicker technique, and include black, yellow, red-brown, orange, and several shades of green. The green is natural, using different parts of the yucca plant, but the other dyes are prepared by boiling the yucca strips in the same dyes used in wicker (see below). The designs are less complicated but similar to those produced in wicker (cf. U. S. National Museum Proceedings, 54, pp. 268-270).

Fine coiled basketry is not made by the Hopi although they secure a good deal by trade from the Apache, Pima, and Paiute.

Wicker basketry is made only on the third mesa. The materials are a number of warp-like ribs radiating from a central hub and a weft consisting of lighter material woven in and out of the ribs in concentric circles. The ribs are made of sumac or willow twigs, the weft from three different varieties of rabbit brush. As the weaving progresses, additional radiating twigs or ribs are inserted. When the desired circumference has been reached, the projecting ends of the ribs are bent sideways and tied together with strips of yucca leaf

Flat or slightly-curved plaques, and waste baskets with straight or flaring sides, are made. Colors are black from sunflower seeds, navy beans, soot, coal or an ink of resin and iron alum; blue from roots or whole plant of see-e-ta, iron ochre, alder bark, sumac berries, cockscomb flowers, or thelesperma; yellow from rabbit-brush flowers, sunflowers, ochre; orange-yellow from saffron; green from se-e-ta, stems, navy bean, copper carbonate; brown from se-e-ta blossoms, navy beans, iron ochre; white from kaolin or limestone; pink cerise, purple, carmine, and violet from cockscomb flowers. There are also many combinations and shades. In dyeing, the colors may be applied before or after weaving. For dyeing after the weaving only the mineral colors are used, ground to powder and mixed with saliva and the juice of chewed melon seed. These are painted on with a brush of rabbit fur. If the dyes are applied before weaving, the pealed and smoothed stems are boiled in the dye and placed when still wet over a rack above a fire. A tent is made of a blanket and the dyes set by the smoke from wool thrown on the fire.

Designs are based on life forms but in many cases the conventionalization is so complete that they are practically geometric forms. Life forms represented include birds, parts of birds, butterflies, Kachinas, clouds, rainbows, stars, sun, whirlwinds, antelope, snakes, and other forms also occur in endless recombinations.

A little twilled basketry is made, usually crudely shaped bowls in checkerboard or diamond twill and used as work baskets. There are also square shapes, bottles, head rings, pottery rests, forehand bands, and belt weaving harness made in this technique. Matting was formerly made in quantities. There are now two types, one of straight rods held together by twined weaving and used to wrap the bride's costume; the other of yucca in checked or twilled weaving which serves as a hood over the fireplace when plastered with clay.

J. Stevenson, 1883, 1883a, 1884; G. A. Dorsey, 1899; Denver Art Museum Leaflet, 17.

Minor Manufacturers: These include stone axes, usually grooved and some double bitted; mauls, pestles, mortars, amulets, metates and manos, pottery polishing stones, stone knives, paint vessels, baking stones, sandstone arrow shaft polishers, and arrowpoints. Horn and bone articles include awls and horn arrow straighteners. Wooden articles include rabbit clubs, combs, tongs, bows and arrows. Gourd rattles are made; also there is much bead and silver working.

J. Stevenson, 1884; Hopi Craftsman.


Parson, 1922a; Culin; M. C. Stevenson, 1903.

Personal Life

Pregnancy and Birth: There is considerable similarity in Zuni birth rites to those of the Rio Grande. Girls are more desired than boys. A map during labor changes the sex of the child. A bean is swallowed to speed delivery; exposure to cold delays delivery. If the placenta is retarded the woman is slapped on the back with a man's moccasin. These are all Rio Grande ideas also. Men are excluded from childbirth. A female assistant massages the mother's abdomen and frequently feels the top of the patient's head. If it is hot it is a sign delivery is at hand. The child is immediately bathed in warm cedar bark brew and then rubbed with ashes to prevent growth of body hair.

Confinement after birth is 8 days. The mother lies on a three inch bed of hot sand covered by a quilt or blanket. The baby is on a similar bed, its head to the west. It is important for the mother to lie on her stomach and keep drinking cedar brew. Intercourse is undesirable until the lochial discharge ceases. The mother's hot drinks are prepared by the baby's paternal grandmother, who also keeps the sand bed hot and a warm stone pressed against the mother's abdomen. On the eighth day, before sunrise, the paternal grandmother takes mother and child outside and presents the child to the sun, praying and sprinkling cornmeal. The baby is not put for the first time in the cradle board. There is usually a bit of turquoise inlay on the cradle board close to the heart. Should the infant die, the board is destroyed; to use it for another child would cause its death.

The child must not be left alone in the room or a ghost might steal it; if it must be left, the two-tipped corn ear is left with it. There are various magical causes for minor ailments; a rash may be due to the mother's testing the bake-oven heat with bran; disfigurement may be due to the father having taken part in a masked dance before the birth of the child. In the latter case, the father dances in his mask and sweat from his body is rubbed on the child.

Unlike the Rio Grande, no name is given the child until it can creep. If a woman has had bad luck with children, she may call in a rain priest to give the name, she may get prayer-sticks from the rain priest to plant at a phallic shrine, or she may invite a woman who has successfully reared many children to be present at the birth. Various magical practises are used to promote the birth of the child, e. g., the tongue of a mocking bird is held for the child to lick to promote early speech. When first taken out at night, embers from the fire moistened with water are put over the heart so it will not be afraid. When it is first carried on the back it is whipped four times on the buttocks for the same purpose.

Parsons, 1919d, 1915, 1921a; M. G. Stevenson, 1904, 1923f; Owens, 1892; Kroeber, 1916b; Stevenson, 1887; Voth, 1905, 1905a.

Marriage: See Voth, 1900; M. C. Stevenson, 1904.

Death: See Parsons, 1916, 1917; M. C. Stevenson, 1904.

Sickness and Curing: See references under Religion and Ceremonials: M. C. Stevenson, 1904.

Social Organization

Maternal clans are the outstanding feature of western social organization. Children belong to the group of putative relatives of their mother. Residence is always with the wife who owns the house, so a man's real permanent roots are with his mother and sisters who live usually in his ancestral home. This is the more true because marriage at Zuni (and it is fairly true of Hopi) has been quite accurately described as a brittle monogamy in which frequent separations and remarriages are the rule and permanent marriages, though fairly common, are the exception. Recent studies have shown, however, that the really important functioning element is the maternal lineage within the clan, i. e., the actual blood relatives as figured through the mother. If a ceremony, privilege, etc., "belongs" to a clan, actual analysis shows that it descends normally from a man to his sister's child within the lineage, and only exceptionally, or failing heirs, does it descend to other members of the clan not actually blood relatives. Lands belong usually to the men but descend from a man to his sister's sons normally.

Kroeber, 1917, Lowie, 1929, 1929a; Forde, 1931a; Fewkes, 1894, 1894a, 1900c, Cosmos Mindeleff, 1900.

Political Organization

Zuni has a similar political organization to that found on the Rio Grande — in other words, the Spanish introduced offices of governor, etc. The Hopi have no true political organization. Town chiefs and clan chiefs function to settle the few secular problems but in effect the important organization is a theocracy which is primarily devoted to religious problems and only incidentally to political problems.

Parsons, 1917d; M. C. Stevenson, 1904.

Religion and Ceremonial Organization

It has been impossible to disentangle the extraordinarily complex situation in this field in the time available. The following list of references will cover most points. Salient features to be indicated are the development of an important true priesthood at Zuni by the setting apart of the heads of the major religious organizations and societies as individuals with important functions and ceremonies over and beyond the functions and ceremonies of the societies; the dominance of the kachina organization at Zuni; the small development of curing organizations at Hopi, with the development of societies as rain making organizations rather than curing bodies; and the intimate integration of the clans into the ceremonial scheme.

See Curtis; Fewkes, 1900b, 1906a, 1891, 1895, 1898c, 1894b, 1897, 1897a, 1897b, 1898b, 1899, 1899a, 1899b, 1900, 1901, 1901a, 1902, 1903, 1923a; Solberg, 1906; Fewkes and Owens; Fewkes and Stephen; Parsons, 1924a, 1917c, 1916b, 1916c, 1916d, 1916e, 1916f, 1919, 1922b, 1923b; Habberlin, 1916; Bourke, 1884; Cushing, 1882a, 1883; Hodge, 1896a, 1890, 1897a, 1898a, 1917a; Voth, 1912a, 1901, 1902, 1903, 1903a, 1912; Dorsey and Voth, 1901, 1902; M. C. Stevenson, 1887, 1904, 1898; Parsons, 1926, 1934, 1933, 1925, 1924, 1923a; Bunzel, 1932a, 1932b, 1932c, 1932d, M. C. Stevenson, 1904.


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