THE AFFECTED ENVIRONMENT

Socioeconomic Environment

Land Use- The Owens Valley, location of Manzanar NHS, is a lightly populated intermountain desert valley. The land in the vicinity of Manzanar is undeveloped, and is primarily used for grazing. Population centers include Lone Pine (population 1700), located 9 miles south of Manzanar, and Independence (population 600), located 5 miles north. Independence is the county seat of Inyo County. The Valley's principal population center is Bishop (population 3700), located 46 miles north of the site.

Much of the land in the Owens Valley is publicly owned. The Los Angeles Department of Water and Power (LADWP) has extensive land holdings in the valley as a result of its water rights acquisitions early in the century. The Bureau of Land Management (BLM) also manages substantial acreage on the valley floor. Both BLM and LADWP lands are leased or allotted to private parties for grazing use but are also accessible to the general public for various dispersed recreation activities such as hunting and fishing.

Lands in the mountains to the west and east are either National Forests, managed on a multiple-use basis, or National Parks, the latter including Yosemite, Sequoia, and Kings Canyon. The mountains provide extensive recreation opportunities throughout the year.

The Manzanar site itself currently receives some seasonal grazing use by cattle under a permit with LADWP. The site is also open and accessible to the general public and receives a variety of used including off-highway vehicle driving, hunting, and wood gathering. LADWP also recently made the site available as a movie set. These existing uses have had a range of adverse impacts on the cultural resources.

Transportation- U.S. Highway 395 is the Owens Valley's primary transportation corridor, carrying substantial tourist loads into the area from points north and south. Traffic loads on Highway 395 in the vicinity of the historic site average approximately 6000 vehicles per day, with peak loads in mid-summer but substantial traffic flow throughout the year. Highway 395 is in the process of being upgraded from a 2-land road to a 4-lane divided highway. Portions of the route to the north and south of the Manzanar site have been upgraded over the last few years, and the section between Lone Pine and Independence will be upgraded as funds become available. These highway improvements can be expected to increase the safety and speed of access to Owens Valley attractions and bring more visitors in future years.

There has been considerable interest in recent years in paving the road between the town of Big Pine and the north end of Death Valley National Park. Completion of this project would facilitate tourist travel between Highway 395 and Dear Valley and could stimulate additional travel in the area. This project has not as yet been programmed, however.

Air service to the Owens Valley is limited, with airports at Independence, Lone Pine and Bishop serving only private aircraft. The nearest regularly scheduled commercial service is to Inyokern, 82 miles south of the site on U.S. 395.

Cultural Environment

Prehistory/ethnography- Manzanar is within the Great Basin culture area, which includes portions of California, Oregon, Utah, Nevada, and Colorado lying between the Sierra Nevada and the Rocky Mountains. Prehistorically, the Great Basin culture area shows evidence of such cultural sequences over time as the Paleo-Indian (12,000-9000B.C.), the Great Basin Desert Archaic (9000 B.C.-A.D. 500), the Fremont (A.D.500-1300), and the Paiute and Shoshone (A.D.1300-present). The prehistoric cultural patterns indicate, in general, that Paleo-Indians in small, mobile groups hunted large Pleistocene fauna for their primary subsistence. People of the Archaic developed a broader subsistence base, hunting and gathering a variety of animals and plants. The Fremont was characteristic of more sedentary villages supported by horticulture coupled with hunting and gathering. Between A.D.600 and A.D.1000 there were population increases in the Owens Valley associated with greater exploitation of regional alpine ecological niches. Just when the configuration of the different groups in the Owens Valley occurred is unclear with Paiute north of a small incursion of Western Shoshones at the southern end around Owens Lake.

The Paiute and Shoshones in the Owens Valley were dispersed in small kin groups with seasonal rounds tied to water sources and harvest cycles of mountain and valley. An aboriginal form of irrigation was practiced by the Paiutes of Owens Valley. Because ties to village and district apparently correlated with the management of resources, Owens Valley sociopolitical organization may have been more complicated than the typical extended family-band model of organization generally associated with the Great Basin. Larger groups may have existed based upon territories and cooperation as to whom used them when.

Inn Paiute and Shoshone culture, subsistence was heavily based upon the gathering of wild plants and small land fauna with a significant but smaller percentage of subsistence based upon hunting larger animals. Fishing figures in where available but not as much as hunting. A distinctive feature is Paiute irrigation in terms of water diversion and management to promote growth of certain plants, that is, the irrigation of plots of wild seeds. There was no reliance aboriginally on animal husbandry, raising domesticated animals, or on agriculture as we know it as the large-scale pursuit of field crops. Houses were round and varied in brush construction with the season.

Small extended families were the norm with some activities centering at times on the nuclear family, in which the father and mother with their dependent offspring behaved independently of other family members or family groups. Residence at marriage was sometimes with the wife's kin or in locality, but often with the husband's. In the conventional view, communities were largely autonomous with essentially no reference to any larger or regional decision-making groups. There was a tendency to marry out of the group, that is, to find a spouse in another community. Kinship descent was/is bilateral, like Euro-American reckoning, in which relatives were/are defined through both one's mother and father, not just the father as in patrilineal kinship descent, or the mother as in matrilineal. Often sons were expected to follow their fathers as local headmen or political leaders.

History- Settlers began to arrive at the Manzanar vicinity in the early 1860's in search of feed for cattle and opportunities to establish farms. Many subsequently homesteaded in the area. Indian objections to this incursion into their lands were dealt with harshly by the Army, which forcibly removed most of the Indian inhabitants to Fort Tejon in 1863. Many of the Indians subsequently returned to the valley, which they were now obliged to share with the newcomers. Many Paiutes worked on the ranch of John Shepherd, a major landowner in the vicinity whose holdings ultimately included most of the Manzanar site.

Early in the 20th century, interests in the area began to turn toward the development of irrigated agriculture, particularly for fruit trees. Water rights were consolidated distribution systems installed, lands purchased and subdivided into salable units and extensive marketing employed to encourage outsiders to move to the Owens Valley and make their fortune in the fields. One such development occurred at the Manzanar site beginning in 1910. The area was known as the Manzanar Irrigated Farms, and it was heavily promoted by agents in San Francisco and Los Angeles.

Over the next two years the basic features of a community were established as new farmers arrived not only from San Francisco and Los Angeles but from parts of the Midwest as well. By 1912, the area had a store, two-room schoolhouse, blacksmith shop, and community hall, as well as a number of newly construct4d individual homes. By 1920, Manzanar had 57 households and 203 residents, and attendance at the Manzanar School was approaching 50.

In 1914, the City of Los Angeles began to actively purchase land in the Manzanar area to secure water rights, and by1927 had purchased most of the Manzanar properties. Farming activities nevertheless continued under lease until 2934, when Los Angeles terminated its irrigation in the area. By 2942 the area was completely abandoned except for the remnants of structures and the orchard trees and landscape plantings capable of surviving without irrigation.

But the Manzanar site was not abandoned for long. In February 1942, President Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066, authorizing the Secretary of War to Exclude citizens and aliens from certain areas. This order provided the legal basis for the relocation program, which resulted in the establishment of the Manzanar War Relocation Center and 9 other similar centers in inland locations to confine Japanese Americans residing on the west coast until such time as they could be relocated to inland or east coast areas.

Manzanar was the first center to become operational, with internees beginning to arrive in March 1942. The relocation process, conducted by the Army, was largely completed by August 1942, with a Manzanar population of about 10,000. Most of the Manzanar internees were from southern California, consisting largely of farmers, fishermen, and small business owners. A small contingent of Washington State fishermen was also relocated to Manzanar.

The area at Manzanar set aside for the relocation center and related activities amounted to about six thousand acres and included agricultural plots and water storage reservoirs in addition to the camp. A military airfield and sewage treatment plant was located on additional lands east of Highway 395. The area occupied by the internees was slightly smaller than a square mile. It was secured by barbed wire fences and watchtowers at the corners and midpoints of each side. Also within the enclosed areas were offices and housing for the government administration personnel and factories for the production of camouflage nets and other goods.

The camp was divided into 36 residential blocks, each consisting of 14 barracks plus mess halls, laundry rooms, a recreation hall, and bathrooms. These blocks became important sociological units in the camp's social structure. Tiers of blocks were separated by open-space areas, referred to in the plot plan as firebreaks, but which were intended to serve as crowd control space if needed. (See camp layout in Map 3.)

When the internees arrived, they found their living quarters to be cheaply constructed 20' by 100' tarpaper-covered barracks, each minimally divided into four or five family living quarters. The site had been largely stripped bare of vegetation, except for a few remaining fruit orchards.

Facilities with camp-wide use and significance, e.g. schools, stores, work areas, parks, churches and religious centers, major recreational features, etc., were distributed at various locations throughout the camp.

The internees made significant improvements to the site, both to their own living quarters to make them more livable, and to the site itself, greatly improving the community facilities, engaging in extensive landscaping, and developing highly productive "victory gardens" wherever space was available.

As the war progressed, adverse reaction to the relocation program mounted, and more and more residents received permission to leave the camp for military service, college, and work. The population of the camp declined, reaching a level of about 5000 in 1944. In 1945, the camp was closed, the barracks were sold off, and, with the exception of the auditorium, most of the salvageable materials were removed.

Between 1945 and the present, the primary use of the site has been for grazing and low-intensity uses such as hunting, wood-gathering, and harvesting fruit from the remaining untended fruit trees. The auditorium has served various uses since the camp closure, most recently as an Inyo County Vehicle maintenance shop.

Cultural Resources- As indicated above, there are three intact buildings within the authorized boundary, all features of the relocation camp. These include the auditorium, still in use by Inyo County, and the two rock sentry posts located near Highway 395. These latter structures are not in use but have been maintained over the years as landscape features.

An archeological survey of the camp and surrounding related area was conducted in 1993, 1994, and 1995. Extensive evidence of Indian use and occupation, pioneer homes, the Manzanar agricultural subdivision, and the wartime relocation center were found and recorded. Six primary Native American sites were located based on surface and subsurface materials. Overlapping and in some cases overlying these areas, especially in the more northerly portions of the site, are structural remnants and trash dumps associated with the town of Manzanar. Surface phenomena, including loose materials and more substantial structures, such as barbecues, planter, retaining walls, and structural remnants such as concrete slabs, pipes, and constructed landscape ponds, associated with the relocation center are found in great number throughout the camp area and in related areas outside the camp such as the chicken ranch, hog farm, military police area, and various dumps. Numerous inscriptions, in both Japanese and English, were found on structural remains throughout the camp.

The Park Service collection of objects associated with Manzanar is currently stored at the Western Archeological and Conservation Center in Tucson. The Eastern California Museum, located in nearby Independence, has a substantial collection of such objects and a number of individuals are known to have private collections. Given the potential for donations, and the substantial amount of material on the site and in camp dumps, there is the potential for NPS to amass a very substantial collection of historic objects.

Appendix 5 contains the List of Classified Structures for the historic site. This is subject to updating as additional surveys and inventories are completed.

Ethnography- The Paiute and Shoshone people retain an affinity for the Manzanar area, and it is regarded by some as having significant spiritual values. It is known that some portions of the site have been inhabited for many centuries, and there is at least one known burial in the area. Paiute and Shoshone people in the area maintain an interest in activities relating to the site. However, the recent ethnographic assessment did not reveal the presence of any specific traditional cultural loci.

Natural Environment

Topography, Geology, and Soils- The camp area lies near the valley floor at an elevation of about 3800'. The terrain slopes gently and regularly from west to east toward the valley trough and the Owens River. To the casual observer the camp appears basically level. The only significant topographic breaks are the result of natural erosion from Bairs Creek in the southwestern corner of the camp, and more recent erosion in the northwestern portion of the camp caused by LADWP channeling and water spreading.

Soils are composed of alluvial materials deposited by erosion of the Sierra Nevada Mountains. Materials are coarse and well drained.

The faulting processes that created the mountains and the valley remain active. Faults are prevalent in the area, and low-intensity seismic activity occurs frequently. Severe and highly damaging earthquakes have occurred periodically in recorded history and may be expected to recur. A major fault line west of the camp allows groundwater to surface in a north-south belt, a feature which historically attracted both Native Americans and Anglo settlers to the Manzanar area.

Hydrology- The primary natural watercourse in the camp area is Bairs Creek, which crosses the camp's southwest corner, flowing west to east toward the Owens River. This stream is intermittent, carrying substantial flows during periods of spring and summer runoff, but tapering off to minimal or no flow during fall and winter months, although some pools generally remain throughout the year. LADWP water-spreading operations have also resulted in unnatural channels in the west-central and north-central portions of the site. These channels have contributed to erosion and destruction of historic fabric on some portions of the camp. Significant damage occurred in the hospital and Children's Village areas in the summer of 1995 as a result of water spreading activities.

Flood history for the area is not well documented, and regulatory floodplains have not been identified. There is anecdotal evidence of occasional sheet flooding over large portions of the site at times when periods of snowmelt runoff coincide with summer thunderstorm activity. It is not clear whether this flooding is a natural phenomenon or the result of manmade channels and diversions.

Groundwater depths are quite shallow in the area. LADWP manages runoff in the vicinity to promote groundwater recharge. Much of the basin's water is exported by LADWP to the City of Los Angeles.

Lands in the immediate vicinity of Bairs Creek are flooded with some frequency and may ultimately be defined as wetlands, although a formal wetland survey has not yet been completed for the area.

Vegetation and Wildlife- The natural vegetation of the Manzanar vicinity is Great Basin sagebrush scrub, characterized by low shrubs such as sagebrush, saltbush, and rabbitbrush, and a variety of forbs, cacti and grasses. While natural vegetation patterns are reasserting themselves over much of the camp, the twentieth century agricultural and residential uses have significantly affected the vegetation on the site. Numerous non-native species were planted by internees as landscaping, and remain today in areas throughout the camp. Black locust trees, in particular, have prospered in the area and spread significantly from original sites to produce dense cover and become a major landscape feature. Tamarisk, also, has grown from what were likely single plantings to large and dense clumps. A number for the fruit trees from the Manzanar town days also remain, both as single specimens and in small groves located in firebreaks.

Wildlife species occurring on the site are those characteristic of the Great Basin region, including a range of mammals, especially rodents and predators such as foxes and coyotes, reptiles including rattlesnakes, and birds. A substantial quail population in the area generates considerable hunting use in season.

Threatened, Endangered, and Candidate Species- The Fish and Wildlife Service has identified several threatened, endangered, and candidate species that may be found in the Manzanar vicinity. Listed species include two fish, the Owens Tui Chub and the Owens pupfish, and one bird, the Least Bell's Vireo. A number of additional candidate species, including fish, birds, mammals, and plants, may be present in the vicinity. (See complete list with common and scientific names in Appendix 2.) None of the listed or candidate species have been documented in the study area.

Air Quality- Air quality in the Owens Valley is very good except in the category of inhalable particulates, where there are major deficiencies because of dust generated in the Owens Lake area. The Manzanar site is not a significant source of particulates.

A complete and detailed analysis of air quality is provided in Appendix 6.

Visitor Use Analysis

As discussed above, the area of the camp is open to the general public and receives a variety of used, some incompatible with protection of the resource values. Public use at the site related to historical aspects currently consist primarily of passersby drawn to the area by the unusual stone sentry posts and the historic plaques. There are no facilities or park personnel available to serve the public at the present time. Visitors generally stay a short time.

The Manzanar Committee holds an annual reunion at Manzanar in late April. Attended by a mix of Los Angeles basin and local people, this day long event draws from 150 - 300 people. The reunion is centered on the area of the cemetery, and open areas in the vicinity are used for car and bus parking.

Preliminary estimates have been made of projected public use at the historic site once a visitor center and public use facilities have been developed. These estimates project from 200-250,000 visitors in 1995, increasing to from 230-290,000 by 2010. The estimates take into account the tourism trends in the area and are generally consistent with other public attractions in the area. Significant visitation in the summer travel period by foreign visitors is anticipated.

While visitor use projections are useful for planning purposes, it is difficult to reliably estimate future visitation figures for a newly established unit. Most knowledgeable observers of the regional travel and recreation situation feel these estimates are conservative.

The use estimates predict that peak use would occur at the site in the summer period, with average daily weekend visitation ranging from 850 to 1100 in 2010. Substantial use at the side would be expected year around, however, based on winter Highway 395 traffic between ski areas to the north and the Los Angeles basin to the south. U.S. 395 is also the primary link between the Los Angeles basin and Reno.

Facility Analysis

Roads and parking on the site are adequate to handle the existing range of site uses but would not adequately serve the projected use levels. Roads are rough and unpaved, and in many areas deep sand deposition causes vehicles to become stuck. Parking currently is provided by a large graded area in back of the auditorium, and by graded areas in the vicinity of the cemetery. These latter areas provide parking for those attending the annual pilgrimage.

The auditorium is structurally sound but is in need of routine maintenance such as exterior painting, and rehabilitation of the roof, windows, doors, and other features. An integrated pest management plan is needed to control bees, birds, and rodents.

The auditorium is currently served by water, sewer, and electrical utilities. Water supply is provided by an onsite well, which produces high quality water, sufficient to meet the daily needs of a small staff. However, the water system is not adequate to meet structural fire-suppression requirements, or the demands from a significant level of visitation. Waste treatment is provided by a septic system, which has been installed in recent years and is functioning adequately. Commercial electrical power and telephone service is available at the auditorium.